generally acceptable to them; but that to gratify them further, or wholly to give up the power of the sword, was contrary to "The Petition and Advice," which lodged that power in the hands of the protector and parliament jointly.

His father had been prevented only by death from calling another parliament; and now Richard was advised by Thurloe, St. John, Fiennes, and other of his father's ministers, to assemble the representatives of the people and "the Other House," as it had been constituted by Oliver. Contrary to the spirit and the letter of "The Petition and Advice," and the other instruments of government, framed in his father's time, and on which alone Richard could found any claim to his high station, he was induced by his advisers to return to the old system of election, and to issue writs to the smaller or rotten boroughs, in lieu of the populous and opulent boroughs which had been called into parliamentary existence by Oliver's institutes of government; and there can be little doubt that this retrograde movement, this undoing of a grand representative improvement, was adopted solely because those insignificant boroughs could be the most easily bought or controlled. In effect the members returned for those places were all friends of the new protector.

A.D. 1659.-The parliament met on the 27th of January, the members of "the Other House" being summoned by the same writ as had been used before, according to "The Petition and Advice," and being the same despised nullity that they were before. In the Commons, the members returned for Scotland and Ireland "appeared very full;" but the House voted several members incapable of sitting because they had been in arms against the parliament. Scarcely half of the members of the Commons would obey the summons of Richard to meet him in "the Other House" at the opening of the session; and the Commons proceeded immediately to debate and question the bill of recognition of his highness to be lord-protector; "and some were very cross in that business, which caused doubts of the good issue of this parliament."* Next they fell upon the whole substance and bearing of that last constitutional instrument, "The Petition and Advice;" and took into consideration the constitution of parliament in two Houses, and the inexpediency and peril of allowing "the Other House." "All this," says Whitelock, "caused much discourse and doubts in many, lest a disagreement should follow; and some of the court and relations of Richard were not backward to promote a difference." The republicans, who mustered about fifty members in this parliament (and not more), but who were invigorated by the return of Sir Harry Vane, Ludlow, and Bradshaw, whom Cromwell had imprisoned or had kept at a distance, denounced the protectorate and "the Other House," as tending to the old tyranny, as under-buildings whereon to set up again the supreme Stuart; and

• Whitelock.

they proposed a return to the commonwealth as it existed under the Rump. The disguised royalists, who were pretty numerous, joined the republicans in increasing the confusion; and the moderates"the waiters upon Providence"-vacillated in a miserable manner, and waited events. After

Then a

a quibbling about words, scarcely worthy of the genius of Vane, the act of recognition was passed, and a revenue was settled for the new protector. The question whether the House of Commons should transact business with the persons sitting in the other House as with a house of parliament, was carried in the affirmative by a majority of sixty-four; but that other House was denied any claims of peerage or any negative voice; and, though several of the ancient peers who had been faithful to the parliament were now admitted to sit in it, it did not rise in consideration. fierce attack was made upon the late administration. Thurloe, as secretary of state, was threatened with impeachment; the conduct of Oliver's major-generals was held up to public detestation; and Butler, one of those proconsuls, was selected for prosecution, But the army soon stayed these proceedings by joining with the republican section, and resolving to put an end to this parliament, which, as they affirmed,-and not without some reason,- -was ruining the good old cause, and preparing the way for the restoration of the Stuarts. The army itself was now divided into three factions, the weakest of which adhered to Richard, but the strongest of which was controlled by Lambert, who seems to have fancied that he was the fittest man to succeed Oliver Cromwell. These Lambertians established what they called a general council of officers, and voted that the command of the army should be put into better hands, and that every officer should declare his approval of the conduct of the army and the proceedings against the late Charles Stuart, or resign his commission. The House of Commons, or the helpless majority of it, who must have seen that the small republican minority, when backed by the mass of the army, could not fail to be too strong for them, declared that such meetings were illegal. this the Lambertians, or the Wallingford House party, as they were called, from their place of meeting, drew up a representation to Richard, which was presented on the 14th of April, and which set forth their want of pay, the insolencies of their enemies, and their designs, together with some in power, to ruin the army and the good old cause, and to bring in the enemies thereof; to prevent which they desired his highness to provide effectual remedy. "This," says Whitelock, was the beginning of Richard's fall, and set on foot by his relations-Desborough who married his aunt, and Fleetwood who married his sister, and others of their party; and the parliament disputed about the other House, but took no course to provide money, but exasperated the army, and all those named of the other House." The Quakers delivered a paper to the Speaker (these sectarians

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knew the persecution which would follow a restoration or any triumph of the Presbyterian royalists) seconding this representation of the army, and adding to it fresh clauses and demands; and a day or two after the officers of the trained bands of London sent up a representation of their own to his highness, representing the great danger from the public enemy, and seconding the representation of the army. "The parliament," continues Whitelock, "grew into heats; Haselrig and Nevil, and their party, laboured to overthrow the government by a protector and two houses of parliament, and pretended to have a free commonwealth; divers officers of the army joined with them; Desborough, Fleetwood, Sir Henry Vane, Berry, and others, endeavoured to lessen Richard's power; and some of them were for altering the government; and Lambert, who had been discontented, closely wrought for that end. Richard advised with the Lord Broghill, Fiennes, Thurloe, Wolseley, Whitelock, and some others, whether it were not then fit to dissolve the present parliament. Most of them were for it; Whitelock doubted the success of it, and wished a little longer permission of their sitting, especially now they had begun to consider of raising money, whereby they would engage the soldiery; but most were for the dissolving of the parliament, in regard of the present great dangers from them, and from the cavaliers, who now flocked to London, and, underhand, fomented the divisions." But, if Whitelock's advice were the best, it is quite certain that Richard Cromwell had not the power of acting upon it: the council of officers had been with him, and had told him that he must dissolve the parliament, or abide the consequences of the open hostility of the army; and, accordingly, this parliament was dissolved on the 22nd of April. "This caused much trouble in the minds of many honest men, but the cavaliers and republicans rejoiced at it. Richard and his council sat close to consult what was fit to be done, and among them were many enemies to Richard and his government. Lambert and other officers

consulted how they might again bring in the old members of the parliament (the Rump), whom themselves had before thrust out."* And, on the 6th of May, Fleetwood and Lambert, and the general council of officers, keeping the promises they had made to the republicans, published a declaration, inviting the members of the Long Parliament, who had continued sitting till Oliver's forcible ejectment on the 20th of April, 1653, to return to the exercise and discharge of their trust; averring that the army would be most ready to give their utmost assistance to them, so that they might sit in safety, improve the present opportunity, and settle and secure the peace and freedom of the commonwealth. Losing no time, Lenthall, the old Speaker, and many members of the Rump, hastened to Westminster the very next day; and, after some deliberations in the Painted Chamber,

Whitelock.

went together in a body to the House, Lambert guarding them with soldiers, and there took their seats as a lawful and indisputable parliament.

The first proceeding of the restored Rump was to pass a declaration touching their purpose to secure the property and liberty of the people, both as men and as Christians; and that, too, without any single person, protectorate, kingship, or House of Peers. Richard Cromwell, who seems to have had scarcely more affection than ability for the difficult position in which he had been placed by fortune, retired quietly to Hampton Court, and soon signed his demission in form. On the 9th of May the restored and single House appointed a committee of safety, most of the members of which were soldiers, except Vane and Scott, and they ordered that none should be employed except such as feared God and were faithful to the good old cause. Fleetwood, in the name of the army at London, made a proffer of allegiance to the Rump; and General Monk hastened to write from Scotland to express the entire concurrence of his army in the new revolution which had been effected. the 13th of May a council of state was framed, the chief members of it being Fairfax, Lambert, Desborough, Bradshaw, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Fleetwood, Haselrig, Vane, Ludlow, St. John, and Whitelock. But this council was scarcely formed when the republican Scott accused two members of it (Whitelock and Anthony Ashley Cooper) of carrying on a treasonable correspondence with Charles Stuart and Sir Edward Hyde (Clarendon) beyond seas. Whitelock himself says that he

On

moved to know who was his accuser; that that was waived, and he was continued in the council; that Ashley Cooper's expressions were so high that they bred in some the more suspicion of him, though at the time he was believed. On the 22nd of June (and not before) letters were received from Henry Cromwell, a much more able or bolder man than his brother, notifying his submission and the submission of his army in Ireland to the present parliament. Pressed by want of money, the Rump proposed selling the three royal palaces of Whitehall, Somerset House, and Hampton Court; but they were interrupted and dismissed before they could carry into effect this new project in finance. On the 4th of July they passed a startling vote-it was, to exempt Richard Cromwell, the late protector, upon whose shoulders they had thrown all the heavy expenses of the public and magnificent funeral of his father in Westminster Abbey, together with other charges of a public nature, from all arrests for debt. But on the 16th of the same month they agreed to the somewhat more decent motion,, of an order for a way to pay Richard Cromwell's debts, being in all 29,6407.; referring it at the same time to a committee to provide a comfortable maintenance for him. At this moment, the Rump, who never mustered more than a hundred members,-many of their old colleagues keeping away from the In all, this council of state consisted of thirty-one persons.

House, though repeatedly summoned to attend,were alarmed by numerous plots and riots raised by the royalists. Sir John Gore was arrested; the Duke of Buckingham was obliged to give bail to be faithful to the government established; the Lady Mary Howard, daughter to the Earl of Berkshire, and other persons of rank, were committed on a charge of high treason. These things grew worse and worse: a riot was suppressed in Enfield Chase; but on the 31st of July, when the House was busied on a bill brought in by Whitelock, and approved by General Monk, for the complete union of England and Scotland, the council of state, which sat nearly all night, discovered a new and extensive conspiracy; and on the 3rd of August news was received of insurrections having broken out in several parts of the country, the most important being one in Cheshire and Lancashire, headed by Sir George Booth, who was favoured by the Presbyterian ministers, and one in Worcestershire. Lambert was detached against Booth, who was expecting to be joined both by Charles II. and his brother the Duke of York, and by royalists from half of the counties of England; for these simultaneous risings had been concerted. But Lambert gave a total rout to Sir George Booth's forces; and in all other quarters the royalists fled before the parliamentarians, and threw down their arms.

Charles, who had got everything ready for his embarkation, deferred his voyage; Booth and the young Earl of Derby, with many others, were arrested and thrown into the Tower; and by the end of August this formidable insurrection was completely subdued. But the Rump, or that portion of it which now sat in the House, and the army which had placed them there, lost no time in beginning to quarrel with each other. The House, asserting their supreme authority, insisted that the officers of the army should take out new commissions from them, and that the whole army should be placed in a proper dependency on the civil power. The officers, on the other hand, elevated by their recent successes and by their consciousness that the Rump only existed by favour of their swords, demanded that Fleetwood should be delared commander-in-chief, without limitations to his authority; that Lambert should be major-general, as a proper reward for his recent services; and that the government of the country should not be in a single House, but in a House of Representatives and another House, as to the precise nature of which it should appear they had not made up their minds. Haselrig and his party "being jealous that the soldiers might break them," struggled as if for life; and they brought a majority to reject this paper of the army-to dismiss Lambert, Desborough, and seven or eight other principal officers who had subscribed the letter-and to pass an act for putting out Fleetwood from being lieutenantgeneral of the army, and appointing Ludlow, Monk, Haselrig, Walton, Morley, and Overton, to be commissioners with him (Fleetwood) to govern

all the forces.* Haselrig, who was the chief mover in these bold transactions, and who added harshness and insolence to his boldness, was encouraged by letters from Monk, assuring him. that he and the army in Scotland would stand by the parliament, and by the like promises from Ludlow, who had now succeeded Heury Cromwell in the command of the forces in Ireland. But Monk and Ludlow were far away, and the English army was close at hand. "The proceedings of the parliament," says Whitelock, "nettled the officers, especially those who had performed late and good service, and caused them to consider what to do for their own interest; and of these, Lambert, Desborough, Berry, and the rest who had been ousted of their commands, were the chief." On the 13th of October, the very day after the passing of Haselrig's obnoxious votes, some soldiers, who had pledged themselves to him to declare for the parliament and protect it, were drawn up in Westminster Hall, Palace Yard, and the avenues leading to the House; and Evelyn, who commanded the Lifeguards of the parliament, marched forth with his troops to do his service, but he was met by Lambert at Scotland Yard gate, who commanded him to dismount; and though Lambert was on foot, and had none with him, yet Evelyn, at the head of his troop, thought it safest to obey, and dismounted at his command, and his troop also obeyed Lambert, who then drew together some other forces, and stationed them along King-street and round about the Abbey church and yard; and when the Speaker came by in his coach, they stopped him and made him turn back, and they treated most part of the members in the same way, so that the House did not sit. The council of state sat, and there the hostile parties, the Lamberts and the Haselrigs, the army men and the Rump men, came into fierce collision. The civilians accused the army of being destroyers of liberty; the officers retorted, saying that the Rump would not have left them any liberty to destroy; and Colonel Sydenham asserted that the army had been obliged to apply this last remedy in compliance with a special commission from divine Providence.+ But the council of state so managed the business, that at the last they came to an accommodation to save the effusion of blood, and it was agreed that the parliament should not sit; that the council of officers should provide for the preservation of the peace, "and have a form of government drawn up for a new parliament to be shortly summoned, and so settle all things." On the next day the officers of the army debated about a settlement, and declared Fleetwood to be their commanderin-chief. On the other side, Haselrig and his friends consulted how they might restore themselves and curb the officers; "and they had some hopes of Monk to be their champion." On the

Whitelock.-Parl. Hist.-Ludlow.

+ Desborough said with more bluntness," Because the parliament intended to dismiss us, we had a right to dismiss the parliament."

17th of October the council of officers sent one of their body to Monk in Scotland, and another to Ludlow in Ireland, to desire their concurrence; they nominated a committee of safety; they appointed Lambert to be major-general of the forces in England and Scotland (which discontented Monk); and then they kept a day of humiliation in Whitehall Chapel. Vane was admitted into the committee of safety, but was almost immediately accused by Desborough and some other great officers" of a design to overthrow magistracy, ministry, and the law."

It was at this critical moment that Monk, who was courted and feared by both parties, began to play his own game;-he had been a royalist before he became a parliamentarian; and he was ready to become king's man, or devil's man, or anything that best promised to promote his own interests. On the 29th of October, sixteen days after the suppression of the Rump, the officers of the army received a letter from him expressive of his dissatisfaction at their late proceedings, and the committee of safety received intelligence through other channels that Monk had secured Berwick for himself, and was looking towards London. Lambert was instantly appointed to command the forces in the north of England; and Whalley and Goffe, and Caryl and Barker, ministers of the gospel, were sent to Monk "to persuade him to a right understanding of things, and prevent effusion of blood." Monk, in the mean while, sent to assure the leaders of the Rump that his sole object was to relieve parliament from military oppression; and he called God to witness that he was, above all things, a friend to liberty and the commonwealth. Writing to Haselrig, whom he duped, he said, "As to a commonwealth, believe me, Sir-for I speak it in the presence of God-it is the desire of my soul."*

But if Monk duped the humiliated and desperate members of the Rump, he certainly never deceived the English officers. On the 8th of November Desborough, Fleetwood, and the principal men of that body went to the common council in London, and told them plainly "that the bottom of Monk's design was to bring in the king upon a new civil war." And four days before this-on the 4th of November-some of the officers of the navy addressed a remarkable letter to Monk, begging him to desist. "It is obvious to us," said these plain-speaking sailors, "wherever we come, that few or none take pleasure in your proceedings but the cavaliers, who make their boast of you, and place their confidence in you."+ Monk, after again calling God to witness that the asserting of a commonwealth was the only intent of his heart, crossed the Tweed in great force, being openly backed by the chief Presbyterians in Scotland. He was faced, on the Tyne, by Lambert, whose promotion to the command of the troops in Scotland is generally supposed to have contributed greatly to make him resume his loyalty to the party in power; but the soldiers of Crom

well, now badly provided, had lost their old enthusiasm and discipline, and Lambert, besides, had orders from the committee of government to avoid a hostile collision; and he therefore lay at Newcastle doing nothing. It was agreed that three commissioners on the part of Monk should be allowed to come up to London to treat with three commissioners on the part of Fleetwood, the nominal commander-in-chief of all the forces. By this delay Monk was enabled to mature his plans and to receive further assistance in men and money from Scotland. Monk's three commissioners pretended to be very confident that he would approve what was agreed upon by Fleetwood's commissioners, namely, that a parliament should be restored and the nation settled again in the ways of peace. The committee of safety proceeded in preparing a form of government, but there was no reconciling their conflicting theories and views and interests. "Vane," says Whitelock, was hard to be satisfied, and did much stick to his own apprehensions." Fresh letters came from Monk to Fleetwood full of compliments and expressions of his earnest desire for a speedy settlement; but stating that what had been agreed upon by his commissioners was not quite enough -that some things remained untreated of and unagreed upon that he wished for a fresh treaty to put a final end to the business. Some of the committee declared that this was only a delay in Monk to gain time to be the better prepared for his design to bring in the king, and to reduce the English army and party into greater straits for want of money, while he was getting pay for his forces. "And, therefore," continues Whitelock, who had himself a principal share in these deliberations," they advised to fall upon Monk presently, and bring the matter to an issue before his soldiers were more confirmed, and Fleetwood's party more discouraged but this advice was not taken, but a new treaty assented to, by commissioners on each part, to be at Newcastle."

This was on the last day of November: on the 4th of December some of the forces about London began to clamour for want of pay, and to favour the proceedings of Monk for restoring the parliament -an enchanting word;-" and still," adds Whitelock, "the forces in the north were not well settled." On the next day disturbances took place in London, and when some forces were marched into the city to keep the peace, the soldiers were insulted by the multitude, and killed two of the rabble; and on the same day intelligence was received that the governor and garrison of Portsmouth had declared for the parliament. Still the general council of officers sat devising forms for a new parliament and schemes of government, republican and impracticable. On the 9th of December they received a petition from the city,

desiring to have such a parliament as was in 1642," which would have been a parliament with an enormous Presbyterian majority. The officers laid aside this petition as a design to bring in the

common enemy; and on the next day they voted that a parliament should be called before February next, to sit and act according to such qualifications as should be agreed upon. On the 13th they agreed upon seven articles-1. That there should be no kingship. 2. That there should be no single person as chief magistrate. 3. That the army should be continued. 4. That there should be no imposition upon conscience. 5. No House of Peers. 6. That the legislative and executive powers should be in distinct hands. 7. That parliament should be elected by the people. On the 15th their proclamation for a parliament was solemnly published, and the committee of safety was required to issue out writs for the elections; an attempt was made to surprise the Tower, but failed; and a rising was put down in Sussex. On the 17th Admiral Lawson, who had brought his ships into the Thames, required that the Long Parliament should sit again; whereupon Vane and others were sent to him "to inform him better." Two royalist attempts at insurrection, one at Bristol, the other at Colchester, were prevented. But distraction and confusion grew on all sides; and by degrees the unpaid troops began to join the royalists, whom they were sent to suppress. "No quiet," says Whitelock, "was enjoyed by any party all were at work, and the king's party very active. And every man was guided by his own fancy or interest. Many wished themselves out of these daily hazards, but knew not how to get free of them.""*

On the 22nd of December, most of the soldiery about London declared that they would have the parliament sit again in honour, freedom, and safety; and those who had recently most favoured the Lord General Fleetwood were now most violent against him. At this critical moment Whitelock, who for some time had been convinced that Monk's design was to bring in the king, and that, too, without terms for the parliament party; that the inclinations of the Presbyterians generally, of the citizens of London, of most of the parliament's old friends, and a great part of the soldiery, tended the same way; and that Monk would easily delude Haselrig and the rest of the parliament men; suggested to Fleetwood, since the coming in of the king was unavoidable, that it would be more prudent for Fleetwood and his friends to be the instruments for bringing him in than to leave it to Monk; and then he proposed that Fleetwood should immediately send some person of trust to the king at Breda, and invite him to return upon conditions. The arguments used by the lawyer were weighty-by this means Fleetwood might make terms with the king for the preservation of himself, his friends, and, in a good measure, of the cause in which they had all been engaged; but if it were left to Monk, they, and all that had been done for civil and religious liberty, would be left to the danger of destruction.

On the 20th of December the royalists attempted a rising in the eity, and some of the forces which Fleetwood had sent to reduce Portsmouth joined Haselrig, and the Isle of Wight declared for the parliament party,

VOL. III.

Fleetwood was convinced," and seemed fully satisfied to send Whitelock to the king; and desired Whitelock to go and prepare himself forthwith for the journey.' But before Whitelock got across the threshold, Vane, Desborough, and Berry came into the room, and, after a private conversation with them, which lasted a quarter of an hour, Fleetwood called Whitelock back, " and in much passion said to him, I cannot do it, I cannot do it.' Whitelock asked his reasons. "These gentlemen," said the weak but honourable Fleetwood, "have remembered me; and it is true that I am engaged not to do any such thing without my Lord Lambert's consent." Whitelock replied, that Lambert was at too great a distance to have his consent to this business, which must be acted instantly, or not at all. Fleetwood again said, "I cannot do it without him." "Then," said Whitelock, you will ruin yourself and your friends." To which Fleetwood replied, that he could not help it, that his word was pledged; and so they parted.

On the very next day (the 23rd), Colonel Ingoldsby and some others advised Whitelock to run away to Breda, with the great seal, as Littleton had run away with it to York; but the very cautious lawyer declined this expedition.

On the same day, some of the members of the old council of state, and the old speaker Lenthall, seeing that the soldiers were all revolting from Fleetwood, gave orders for a rendezvous in Lincoln's Inn Fields, under Colonel Okey and Colonel Alured, whose affection to the Rump was well known. There was also received intelligence, that Haselrig and the revolted forces of Portsmouth intended speedily to come up to London.

On the morrow, the troops under Okey and Alured halted in Lincoln's Inn, opposite to the house of the speaker, gave him three cheers, saluted him with a volley, and took the word of command from him. Lenthall was now, in effect, commander-in-chief in London; and he lost no time in securing the Tower, and in convincing the common council, the citizens, and the soldiery, that the best thing that could be done was to restore the Rump. And two days after this (on the 26th), the speaker, and the members that were in town, met at Whitehall, and walked altogether to the parliament house, the soldiers, who not long before had forcibly kept them from sitting, now saluting them and shouting joyfully as they passed.

On the 29th, Haselrig, who had marched up from Portsmouth, took his seat in the House in his riding habit, and "was very jocund and high." In fact he and his colleagues were wonderfully elated; and, instead of providing against Monk, they fell upon their opponents of the army: by one vote they dismissed Lambert, Desborough, Ashfield, Berry, and other officers, from their commands, and ordered them to retire to their several houses "farther off from London ;" and they also voted that Sir Harry Vane, who had adhered to the council of officers and the army, because he was wise enough to see that there was nothing 3 1*