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down part of their army and their train of artillery towards the foot of the hills; and then Cromwell, who had always as much Scripture at command as any Presbyterian preacher, exclaimed joyously, "The Lord hath delivered them into our hands!" But there was a great dike or ditch between the two armies, "of great disadvantage to those who should first attempt to pass it;" and all that day was allowed to elapse. But at night the English marched as close to the ditch as possibly they could, each regiment having several field-pieces with it; and, as morning dawned, Cromwell resolved to attempt to force one of the passes between Dunbar and Berwick, by which he might, with the more ease, attack the enemy's position. Accordingly a brigade of three regiments of horse and two regiments of foot was thrown forward to the pass. The Scots gallantly repulsed the assailants; but Cromwell led up his own regiment, and, after a fierce dispute, which lasted nearly an hour, and in which the English infantry fought desperately with their pikes and the butt-ends of their muskets, the important pass was carried. The Scots now came down and charged with all their horse, being most of them lancers, and they charged strongly. Just at this moment a thick mist was dispersed by the risen sun, which now lighted up that field of blood, and fully revealed the two armies to each other. Cromwell shouted, "Now let God arise, and his enemies shall be scattered." And before the sun was much higher the army of the Kirk was scattered, with the tremendous loss of 4,000 slain and 10,000 prisoners. The conqueror ordered the 107th Psalm to be sung in the field, and then marched again to Edinburgh, which threw men its gates at his approach. Glasgow followed

the example; and the whole of the south of Scotland, where the English parliament had many friends, quietly submitted. Strachan, who had destroyed Montrose, took service with Cromwell. The king fled towards the Highlands, with the intention of quitting Scotland, or at least the Covenanters, for ever; but the chiefs of that party made him stay, and prepared to crown him, at Scone, as monarch of the three kingdoms, when he was not master of the least of them.

A.D. 1651.-But while Cromwell was besieging Edinburgh Castle, disputing upon points of theology with the Presbyterian preachers, and suffering from a fit of the ague, Charles collected another army, and took up a strong position near Stirling. In vain Lambert attempted to bring him to action; the Scots remembered the lesson that had been taught them at Dunbar, and would not leave their fortified hills. Cromwell then crossed the Forth, and, after taking every town and castle that he approached, he sat down before Perth, "thereby to stop the Highlanders from sending any supplies to the king at Stirling, either of men or provisions." But Cromwell had scarcely taken possession of Perth when he learned that Charles had adopted the bold resolution of marching, in his absence, into England. And, in effect, the king left Stirling on the 31st of July, and reached Carlisle on the 6th of August. "The noise of this irruption made a terrible echo through all the nation, especially in the ears of the parliament at Westminster; but they had beforehand provided to welcome these new-come guests, and, first of all, MajorGeneral Harrison, attended by 3000 horse and dragoons, joining himself with Colonel Rich and some other great commanders, marched away to

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salute them upon their entrance into England." Cromwell, too, instantly left Scotland in pursuit; but so rapid and so well-directed were the movements of the invading army, that Charles got to Worcester without molestation, and established himself there with about 16,000 effective men. As Cromwell spurred through the northern counties he encountered a band of royalists, commanded by the Earl of Derby, and cut them to pieces; and, having formed a junction with Harrison, Rich, Robert Lilburne, and Fleetwood, he arrived before Worcester on the 28th of August with a force superior to that of the king. The parliament's troops dashed across the Severn; and on the 3rd of September, the anniversary of the battle of Dunbar, Cromwell gained what he called his "crowning mercy" at Worcester. The royalists, after a gallant contest, were thoroughly defeated, and Charles, escaping with difficulty, fled for his life; "knowing full well that, should he be taken, he might expect no better treatment than his father had." It is said by some that he showed courage in the battle-it is certain that he showed great ingenuity and presence of mind in the flight: nevertheless, but for the devoted loyalty, the incorruptible fidelity of his partisans, he must have been taken by his pursuers. After a variety of romantic adven

This firm adherent to the royal cause was taken prisoner a few days after this by a party of the parliamentary troops as he was flying from the battle of Worcester, and was beheaded in his own town of Bolton, by sentence of what was called a High Court of Justice, composed of some military officers, on the 15th of October following. By this time the parliament, considering itself as the established government of the country, assumed the right of treating all armed opposition to its authority by any English subject as treason. The royalists, however, of course regarded such proceedings as nothing less than murdering in cold blood,"-the expression used on this occasion by Clarendon,

tures and wanderings from place to place, Charles, in the disguise of a servant, got to Shoreham, on the Sussex coast, and from thence, about the middle of October, he crossed over to France in a collier. He did not see England again until he was brought back triumphantly by General Monk.

On leaving "the Golgotha of Worcester," Cromwell hastened to lay his victorious palms at the feet of parliament. He was again met, at his approach to London, by the Speaker, by the whole parliament, by the lord mayor and aldermen, and by an immense concourse of people. The royal palace of Hampton Court was prepared for his reception; and shortly after an estate in land, worth 4000l. a-year, was voted to him. From this moment, as is generally admitted by those who have most carefully studied his character and history, Cromwell began to entertain vague notions of grasping at the supreme authority. As he had left Ireton to complete the conquest of Ireland,

The determined republican Ludlow, who became the bitter enemy of Cromwell, says :-"His pernicious intentions did not discover themselves openly till after the battle of Worcester, which, in one of his letters to the parliament, he called the crowning victory.' At the same time, when he dismissed the militia, who had most readily offered themselves to serve the Commonwealth against the Scots, he did it with anger and contempt, which was all the acknowledgment they could obtain from him for their service and affection to the public cause. In a word, so much was he elevated with that success, that Mr. Hugh Peters, as he since told me, took so much notice of it, as to say in confidence to a friend upon the road, in his return from Windsor, that Cromwell would make himself king. He now began to despise divers members of the House whom he had formerly courted, and grew most familiar with those he used to show most aversion to; endeavouring to oblige the royal party, by procuring for them more favourable conditions than consisted with the justice of the parliament to grant, under colour of quieting the spirits of many people, and keeping them from engaging in new disturbances to rescue themselves out of those fears which many who had acted for the king yet lay under; though at the same time he designed nothing, as by the success was almost manifest, but to advance himself by all manner of means, and to betray the great trust which the parliament and good people of England had reposed in him.".

so he had left Monk, who at this time enjoyed an unusual degree of his favour, to reduce the king's party in Scotland; and both these generals were successful. Scilly, Jersey, Guernsey, and the Isle of Man (the last made famous by the celebrated Countess of Derby) were easily reduced; and wherever the flag of the commonwealth showed itself, whether by land or sea, it was victorious. Vane, St. John, and six others were appointed commissioners to settle the kingdom of Scotland by a union with England, or, as it was termed, to "incorporate" Scotland with the commonwealth. Though Scottish commissioners were found to act with them, the Presbyterian clergy and the mass of the nation detested alike the words "union" and "incorporation;" but among the cogent arguments of the English were a victorious army, a chain of forts, an entire command of the coasts and the trade of Scotland; and, in the end, eighteen out of thirty-one counties, and twenty-four out of fifty-six cities and boroughs, consented to the union, and sent up twenty-eight members to sit in the English parliament. Ireland also was incorporated with the commonwealth, and all signs of royalty were effaced in both those countries.

Ever since the unavenged massacre at Amboyna, the English sailors and people had borne great ill-will to the Dutch; and many recent circumstances had contributed to exasperate this feeling. The government of the United Provinces had treated the envoys of the commonwealth with marked disrespect; nor did they send any ambassadors to London till nearly three years after the execution of Charles, when, warned by the victory of Worcester, they sent over in a hurry to solicit, with great humility, the renewal of friendly negotiations. But these envoys came too late: the parliament had issued letters of marque to indemnify the country for losses sustained at the hands of Dutch vessels, and they had passed the memorable Navigation Act, which established as national law that no goods from any quarter beyond Europe should be imported into England, except by vessels belonging to England or to English colonies; and that no production of Europe should be imported except by English ships, or ships belonging to the country which furnished the production. This deadly blow was aimed at the carrying-trade of the Dutch, one of the most fruitful sources of their commercial prosperity. Nor was this all: the English parliament demanded arrears due by the Dutch for their right of fishing on the shores of England and Scotland, and also the opening of the Scheldt, with a free-trade to the flag of the commonwealth. It was, moreover, clamorously demanded by the English mariners and people, that the survivors of the Dutch that had assisted in the massacre of the English at Amboyna should be given up to justice. All these things were quite enough to produce hostilities between two proud and warlike nations; but no doubt the two facts which most contributed to the war were these-1st. The House of Orange, closely allied

by marriage to that of Stuart, had strenuously exerted itself to avenge the late king's death, and restore his son. 2ndly. The English parliament had formed the grand scheme of a republican union, proposing to incorporate the United Provinces with the English commonwealth, and with that view had opened a correspondence with the republican party in Holland, who were irritated by the despotic encroachments of the princes of Orange (who were rendering themselves as absolute, under the name of stadtholders, as were any of the kings of Europe). All the money which had enabled Charles II. to land in Scotland and invade England had been furnished by the House of Orange; and, on the other side, all the disaffection in the Low Countries, which threatened the ruin of that House, had of late looked for hope and encouragement to the English parliament; though, in effect, the republicans of the United Provinces were too wise and too national to contemplate seriously the incorporation proposed. A collision was inevitable. Van Tromp, the best of the Dutch admirals, and a devoted partisan of the House of Orange, sailed up the Channel with forty sail. Blake, who had swept the fleet of Prince Rupert from the seas, was in the Downs with only twenty sail; but the English admiral insisted that the Dutch should strike their topmasts to his flag, in acknowledgment of the old sovereignty of the nation over the narrow seas. Van Tromp of course refused, and kept his course till he came nearly alongside of the English admiral. Blake ordered a gun to be fired at Van Tromp's flag, which was done thrice; but, instead of striking his flag, Van Tromp poured a broadside into Blake. Then the action, as far as the wind and weather would permit, became general, and lasted from three o'clock in the afternoon till nightfall, when the Dutch sheered off, with the loss of two ships, one of which was taken, the other sunk. This fight, in which the commonwealth sailors displayed wonderful ardour, was fought on the 19th of May, 1652. The States General accused Blake of being the aggressor, and intimated a desire to treat amicably for the adjustment of all difficulties: but, at the same time, they continued to increase their fleet; and the Dutch seamenthen esteemed the best in the world-were eager for their revenge; and on the 19th of July the English parliament put forth an open and spirited declaration of war, affirming that they found too much cause to believe that the states of the United Provinces had an intention, by force, to usurp the known rights of England in the seas, to destroy her fleets, that were, under God, her walls and bulwarks, and thereby to expose the commonwealth to invasion. In the mean time Blake had made many prizes, both merchantmen and Dutch men-of-war; and Sir George Ayscough, the viceadmiral, had been recalled with his squadron from the West Indies. When Van Tromp again put to sea his force more than doubled the concentrated fleet of the parliament, and he talked loudly of

Then

fleet, and fitted out another, to the amazement of Europe; and, by the 8th of February, Blake again took the sea, having with him Dean and Monk and sixty men-of-war. Sailing from Queensbury, he went to Portsmouth, where he was joined by twenty more men-of-war. Then he sailed over against Portland, "half seas over, to call Tromp to an account for passing the Channel without the Rump's leave ;" and upon the 18th of February he descried the enemy, and brought him to action -at first with only thirteen of his ships, Blake and Dean being both on board the "Triumph," which received seven hundred shots in her hull, but was bravely relieved by Captain Lawson, the rest of the fleet being not able to come up for some time. But, when the rest of the English fleet came, a most furious fight succeeded, wherein the Dutch had six men-of-war taken or sunk, the English losing not one ship. When the action began Van Tromp had seventy-six men-of-war and about thirty merchantmen, most of which were armed. Night separated the combatants, but Blake renewed the fight on the morrow off Weymouth. Van Tromp, after the first shock, put his merchantmen before him, and fought retreating towards the port of Boulogne; but the English frigates took many of his merchantmen, and Captain Lawson boarded and carried one of the Dutch men-of-war. Again night stopped that deadly fire, but on the morrow-it was a Sabbath morn-Blake again brought Van Tromp to action, and fought him with advantage till four o'clock in the afternoon, "when, the wind proving cross to the English at N.N.E.," Tromp got to Calais sands. At the end of this three days' fight Blake had taken or destroyed eleven ships of war and

annihilating his enemy. But he shaped so bad a course that he never got into action; and, when a dreadful storm arose, which scattered his fleet of a hundred sail, he sailed back to Holland with the loss of five frigates. The famous Admiral De Ruyter then put to sea with a much smaller force, and came up with Ayscough off Plymouth. A drawn battle, gallantly fought, was the result of this meeting. Soon after De Ruyter was reinforced by all the Dutch squadrons under De Witt; and on the 28th of September, after several smart skirmishes, he came up with Blake, who, however, so manœuvred as to get and keep the weather-gage. After fighting resolutely for many hours, De Ruyter and De Witt, under cover of night, bore away for their own coast, having lost one ship, which was taken by Captain Mildmay, and three or four which went down at sea after the action. A few days after this action a small English fleet in the Mediterranean (for the commonwealth had already a fleet there to protect trade) was attacked near Leghorn by a superior force; but the Dutch gained no advantage. Many other chance encounters took place; and, though not everywhere successful, the English seamen invariably vindicated their old reputation, which (through no fault of theirs) had been somewhat tarnished since the days of Elizabeth and Drake. The King of Denmark laid an embargo on the English merchantmen in the Baltic, closed the passage of the Sound to the English flag, and sent five of his great ships to join the Dutch; and, at the same time, ships of various nations, but bearing the French flag, were cruising everywhere as privateers. On the 29th of November, when Blake had been obliged to divide his fleet in order to watch the enemy in various quarters, and when he had only thirty-thirty merchantmen, had killed two thousand men seven ships with him, Van Tromp faced him in the Downs with eighty sail of men-of-war and ten fire-ships. Being either unwilling to decline the combat, or unable by reason of the wind, which is stated to have been unfavourable to him, Blake engaged with the whole Dutch fleet, and fought furiously from ten in the morning till six at night, when he was happy to escape in the darkness. The Dutch had taken the "Garland" frigate, burned the "Bonaventure," and sunk three others; but one of their flag-ships had been blown-up, and the ships of Van Tromp and De Ruyter greatly damaged. After the fight Van Tromp sailed through the Channel to convoy home the DutchFrench fleets; and the Dutch were so elated by their victory that they talked of nothing but blocking up the River Thames, and forcing the English commonwealth to an ignominious peace; and Van Tromp clapped a broom to his mast-head to proclaim that he meant to sweep the English navy from the seas.

A.D. 1653.—But Van Tromp, who was drunk, and the Dutch, whether drunk or sober, were hugely mistaken as to the spirit and resources of the young republic. The Rump, with incredible diligence and conduct, repaired their shattered

and taken fifteen hundred, having himself lost only one ship, but suffered severely in killed and wounded. Upon the return of the humbled Van Tromp the common people in the Dutch provinces were all in an uproar and tumult; and the province of Holland, without the consent of the other provinces, privately employed Colonel Doleman and some others-gaining over Hugh Peters the famous preacher-to try the inclinations of the Rump for a peace.*

But, while the commonwealth was thus triumphing on its proper element by means of the able and heroic Blake and his enthusiastic seamen, who now said, with no vain boast, that they had paid the Dutch for their cruelties at Amboyna, the parliament, from an accumulation of circumstances, was falling into disrepute and disrespect in the country. They had not, except to a very limited degree, filled up the vacancies in the House of Commons, feeling that any election, however managed, would leave them in a minority; and though, at the instance of Cromwell, they had, in November, 1651, decided that the present parliament should cease in November, 1654, they

Thurloe, State Papers.-Rushworth.-Whitelock.-Coke,-Parl. Hist.-Perfect Politician.

continued to act as if they contemplated no disso- | self-seeking; their engrossing all places of honour

lution, as if they considered their power to be perpetual. It was only of the army, which had made them what they were, that they were apprehensive or jealous; and while Cromwell, whose control over the army was now absolute, urged them to give up their power, they urged Cromwell to reduce the army. If there were personal ambition, and the intoxication of power on both sides, there were certainly on both sides—as well on that of Cromwell as on that of the Vanes, the Martens, and the other commonwealth-men,-high, and noble, and patriotic motives. Each, in fact, wished for power for the establishing or working out a system which each deemed the best for the peace, the happiness, and the glory of the nation; and, in justice to Oliver Cromwell, it must be avowed that his scheme of social policy was in itself one of the purest which had as yet entered into the mind of any statesman, and one that adapted itself more readily to the character and habits of the community than the more finely-drawn theories of the republicans. This wonderful man had certainly a long and doubtful struggle, not merely with his former friends, but now republican opponents, but also with his own heart and conscience; and he was quiet, or at least abstained from any very open act, until the parliament betrayed an intention of coalescing with the Presbyterians, who, in their hearts, hated both Cromwell and parliament alike. "It was about this time," says Whitelock himself, "that the Lord-General Cromwell, meeting with Mr. Whitelock, who then held the great seal, saluted him with more than ordinary courtesy, and desired him to walk aside that they might have some private discourse together." In that private discourse Cromwell said that they ought not to be fooled out of the mercies and successes which God had given the nation, nor be broken in pieces by their particular jarrings and animosities one against another; that they ought to unite their counsels, hands, and hearts, to make good what they had so dearly bought with so much hazard, blood, and treasure, and not hazard all again by their private jangling, and bring those mischiefs upon themselves which their enemies could never do. Whitelock says that he hinted to Cromwell that his gallant army, after full conquest of their enemies, might grow into factious and ambitious designs; and that Cromwell, after speaking of his poor endeavours to keep the army in all order and obedience, averred that the officers were given to particular factions, and to murmurings that they were not rewarded according to their deserts, that others who had adventured least had gained most, and that they had neither profit, nor preferment, nor place in the government, which others held who had undergone no hardship nor hazard for the commonwealth. "Then," continued Cromwell, "as for the members of parliament, the army begins to have a strange distaste against them; and I wish there were not too much cause for it. And really their pride, and ambition, and

and profit to themselves and their friends; their daily breaking forth into new and violent parties and factions; their delays of business, and design to perpetuate themselves, and to continue the power in their own hands; their meddling in private matters between party and party, contrary to the institution of parliament; their injustice and partiality in these matters, and the scandalous lives of some of the chief of them, do give too much ground for people to open their mouths against them and to dislike them. Nor can they be kept within the bounds of justice, or law, or reason; they themselves being the supreme power of the nation, liable to no account to any, nor to be controlled or regulated by any other power, there being none superior or co-ordinate with them. And unless there be some authority and power, so full and so high as to restrain and keep things in better order, and check these exorbitances, it will be impossible to prevent our ruin." Whitelock admitted the danger and the extreme difficulty of the case, confessing that the greatest difficulty lay with the parliament, who were acknowledged the supreme power of the nation, and who had given both Cromwell and Whitelock the commissions they held; and acknowledging that too many of them were much to blame on account of the lives they led, he hoped that his excellency would not look upon them as generally depraved. Cromwell then, speaking hastily, said that there was nothing to hope, but a great deal to fear, from them; that they would destroy what the Lord had done graciously for them in the kingdom. "We all forget God, and God will forget us," cried Cromwell, whose deep religious feelings have been so generally and so unjustly set down in all cases as rank hypocrisy; "God will give us up to confusion, and these men will help it on if they be suffered to proceed in their ways. Some course must be thought of to curb and restrain them, or we shall all be ruined." Whitelock again represented that Cromwell and himself had acknowledged their supreme power, and taken their commissions and authority in the highest concernments from them, and that it would be hard to find out a way how they could restrain and curb them after this. Then Cromwell put this significant question"What if a man should take upon him to be king?" Whitelock replied that he thought that remedy would be worse than the disease; and, on being asked why he thought so, he thus (as he says) stated his reasons, as follows:-"As to your person, the title of king would be of no advantage, because you have the full kingly power in you already concerning the militia, as you are general. As to the nomination of civil officers, those whom you think fittest are seldom refused: and, although you have no negative vote in the passing of laws, yet what you dislike will not easily be carried; and the taxes are already settled, and in your power to dispose the money raised. And as to foreign affairs, though the ceremonial application

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