by orders from England; they said from the king of England. But the manner in which I reproved this assertion prevented the repetition of it. Though I had received no benefits, I told them, from the king of England, nor any favours from his ministers, for which I should feel myself called upon to defend them, nevertheless, such a charge as this was too gross to be endured; that it was but a few weeks since I came into Portugal, sanctioned by their passports; and by an agreement to which the king himself, and his parlia ment, and the ministers, were all pledged. And I repeated to them the words of lord Clare-" That the government which could violate an engagement so solemnly entered into, could neither stand, nor deserve to stand." And I told them that they would see, when the British ambassador at Lisbon received the letters of my friends, informing him of this proceeding, how nobly he would vindicate the dignity of the king his master, and the honour of his nation.

This harangue could have no merit but the spirit .with which it was pronounced. I was at that time sitting up in my bed, and I could observe that the bystanders, who had gathered round me, were at least in some astonishment; for it was almost the first time I had ventured to make a discourse in Portuguese : some effect it certainly produced, for next day I was told that it was the queen of Portugal who did not like me, which was still more afflicting to me; for I am sure I could not live if the fair sex were to hold me in displeasure; much more if my enemies were queens.

It is true the son of this illustrious personage, the prince of Brazil, has since, on taking the reins of the government, been forced to declare, that he had, from tenderness to his loyal mother, suffered her to govern the Portuguese people for seven years, though in a state of insanity. This might be some consolation to me, for had this royal lady been in her right mind, she would not certainly have given herself the trouble of being angry with me. It is however a melancholy con

solation that is derived out of the misfortunes of princes. Sometimes they said the king of Portugal was not willing that I should stay in his country: but as there was no king in Portugal, I could see clearly that this

was not true.

In the mean time, however, couriers went and returned from Lisbon; and I was told that my fate depended upon their news. At length I was, for the first time in my life, brought to trial, of which I must give you a summary report.

LETTER XIII.

Report of my Trial-Mr. Sealy.

THE same minister who came formerly to arrest me, came now with the same interpreter to judge me. He asked me my father's name, my mother's name, their calling, and my calling. I was obliged to declare that I was filhio d'um padre; literally the son of a father, but figuratively the son of a priest. And I fear this heresy in my nativity might have done me no service. I was then asked why I was so dangerous that I could not get leave to live in my own country. To which I answered, that my conduct since I had been in Portugal had been the very reverse of dangerous: and the respect due to the king of England and the government of my country should stand in place of an answer to such questions, because it would be supposing a bad compliment to the queen of Portugal, and such as the king of England, who was a gallant monarch, was incapable of paying her majesty, to send a dangerous

subject into her kingdom to live; and not only to live, but to take security from him that he would live there and no where else. And then I told my judge about lord Castlereagh and the law secretary, Mr. Marsden; how they had taken so many months to consider how to draw up that security, all which time I was obliged to remain in gaol; and that in the end all they had done was, to leave out some words of lord Cornwallis, which seemed to imply a doubt that I might be sent away by the Portuguese government, so sure were they that I would not be molested; but, on the contrary, that I should find protection, and the passport they had given me be inviolable.

I then asked my judge, in my turn, whether he had ever heard of any crime I had committed, either in my country or his. "In this country, certainly not," said he. I then asked him, whether the passports of the viceroy of Ireland and the king's secretary in England were not the most certain proofs that I had nothing to answer for in England. And I also reminded him how highly injurious it would be to the king of England to try his subjects coming there with such passports for what could in no shape concern any but him and them. He then asked me whether the duke of Portland was qualified to give passports, or if it was not alderman James of Dublin. I could not help smiling at this strange question: but in truth this little presumptuous faction in Ireland, from the habit of insulting their fellow-citizens with impunity, had, I dare say, by their organized partisans, some of whom are to be found in all countries, arrogated to themselves the entire sovereignty in every department and in every region, without being able to foresee how short their reign was to be, or how near the day of their humiliation was at hand. I have often thought it curious to see how, in all cases, they applied the word "government" to their purposes. Every man in place, down to the collector of the hearth money, called himself government. Every man—and there were too many

who shared the public plunder, was government. Every man in a red coat was government. Every turnkey was government. Every hired informer was government. Every Hessian soldier was government. Every sentry-box was government. Judge then how imposing and awful a name must that be of an alderman of the loyal and magnanimous corporation of Dublin. But to finish; the judge produced a letter from a Mr. Sealy of Lisbon, which I had some time before received in answer of one of mine to him. In it was this phrase: "I cannot, on account of my political principles, comply with your request." I was called upon to explain these mysterious words, and my trial seemed now to be narrowed to this point,—what were Mr. Sealy's principles and my request. I certainly know nothing of Mr. Sealy's political principles: but if I were to judge from the specimen he gave me of his breeding and his sense, I should not think favourably of them. I had been furnished by one of his friends with a credit upon his house, and also with a private recommendation to him. Mr. Nash having determined me to stay at Oporto, offered himself to be my banker, and advised me merely to send forward my letter of recommendation to Mr. Sealy, and to request of him to give me, on the credit of it, some introductions to his friends in Oporto; and took upon himself to inclose the letter, with many obliging expressions touching me. His answer, which now became the subject of my interrogatories and the head of accusation, shows only one thing, namely, how dangerous it is in every case to be exposed either to the vulgar or the time-serving.

This imprisonment, though not painful in itself, filled me, on account of my wife, whom I daily expected, with very great disquietude. She who had been reared in the lap of indulgence, and never known either hardship or privation, might with her helpless infants arrive in this country and find me in a prison, and perhaps something even worse. She might be

exposed to other chances, be taken prisoner into some other country, where, either she might not be able to hear of me, or, if she did, might only hear that which would afflict her still the more. I urged this to my judge, who said he would represent it with the statement of my answers, which he had caused to be written down, to his superior, and so finished my trial. But this painful consideration and the close confinement again affected my health. The pain in my chest increased; I lost all appetite, and certainly a few weeks more would have put an end to all my persecutions.

LETTER XIV.

Doctor-Journey to Lisbon-Comedians, Friars, &c.

A DOCTOR was, however, upon great entreaty, allowed to give me a plaster for my breast. I was permitted, but only in the presence of the interpreter, to receive a visit from Mr. Nash. It had been the day before proposed to me to set out for Lisbon, where it was said

should see the English and Portuguese ministers and be set at liberty. Mr. Nash exhorted me strongly to accept of the proposal, and told me he had conferred on the subject with the corregidor, who was exceedingly concerned and interested for me, and who had shown him all my papers assorted in the most favourable order, which would be returned to me on my arrival at Lisbon: that there should be but one gentleman to conduct me and my man, and that I should pay my own expenses and be without restraint; that