form without injury to himself, and he would be the CHAP XII means of saving a soul from everlasting perdition.

Nor was the bondage of the negro intended to be perpetual, nor would the great Emperor trust him without reserve to men who had already abused their powers. The law secured to the slave a certain portion of every week, when the time was his own; if he was industrious and frugal he could insist upon his freedom as soon as he could produce the price of it; he could become an owner of property on his own account; and evidence remains that in the sixteenth century, under the protecting laws of the mother country, many a negro in the Spanish colonies was a free and prosperous settler who paid his taxes to the Crown.'

Negro slavery in theory was an invention of philanthropy-like the modern Coolie trade, an unobjectionable and useful substitute for the oppression of races to whom loss of freedom was death; yet with the fatal blot in the design that the consent of the negroes themselves-who were so largely interested in the transaction-was neither sought nor obtained. The original and innocent pretext which confined the purchase to those who had offended against the negro laws melted swiftly before the increase of the demand; the beads, the scarlet cloaks and ribands which were fluttered in the eyes of the chiefs, were temptations which savage vanity was unable to resist; they sold their own people; they made war on one another to capture prisoners, which had become a valuable booty; and the river mouths and harbours where the Portuguese traders established their factories were envenomed centres from which a moral pestilence

1 I need scarcely more than allude for my authority on this subject to the admirable book of Mr. Helps on the Spanish Conquest of America.

1564

CHAP XII crept out among the African races. The European first converted the negro into a savage, and then made use of his brutality as an excuse for plunging him into slavery. The English at first escaped the dread and detestation which were inspired by the slave dealers: they came as traders to barter for gold dust; they were fired upon whenever they approached the factories, and the natives welcomed as friends the enemies of the Portuguese and Spaniards. But the unfortunate people were themselves the richest part of their merchandize. The Spanish Government, aware perhaps after a time of the effect produced in Africa, and wishing to ensure the good treatment of the slaves by enhancing their value, had begun to set their faces against the slave trade. The Governors of the Spanish-American colonies were instructed to prevent the importation of negroes, unless under a license from the home administration, which was dearly bought and charily given. A duty of thirty ducats was laid on the sale of every slave; and thus while the demand for labour increased with the prosperity of the settlements, the price was enhanced, the supply was artificially kept down, and the English traders at the Azores and at Madeira came to understand that, license or no license, the market of the West Indies would be open to them. If slaves could be brought to their doors the colonists would eagerly buy them, and with discretion and courage the negro trade might be made a thriving business.

First slav

ing voyage of John Hawkins.

The first venture was made by John Hawkins of Plymouth, so famous afterwards in English naval annals, son of old William Hawkins who had brought over the Brazilian King. John Hawkins and Thomas Hampton in October 1562, fitted out three vessels, the largest a hundred and twenty tons, and sailed with a hundred men

for Sierra Leone.' After hanging some time about the CHAP XII coast, partly by the sword and partly by other means, they collected three hundred negroes, and crossed the Atlantic to St. Domingo. Uncertain at first how he might be received, or not caring to avow the purpose of his voyage, Hawkins pretended on his arrival that he had been driven out of his course by stress of weather, that he was in want of food, and was without money to pay his men; he therefore requested permission to sell 'certain slaves which he had with him.' The opportunity was eagerly welcomed; the Governor, supposing apparently that his orders from home need not be construed too stringently, allowed two-thirds of the negroes to be sold; the remaining hundred, as it was uncertain what duty should be demanded on an unlicensed sale, were left as a deposit with the oidores or council of the island. Neither Hawkins nor the Governor anticipated any serious displeasure on the part of Philip. Hawkins invested his profits in a return cargo of hides, half of which he sent in Spanish vessels to Cadiz under the care of his partner, and he returned with the rest to England, as he supposed, 'with prosperous success and much gain to himself.'

Prosperous in point of money the voyage undoubtedly was, although the profits proved less than he anticipated. He had brought away with him a testimonial of good behaviour from the authorities at St. Domingo, who would gladly have seen him return on the same errand. The Spanish Government viewed the affair differently. Philip the Second, to whatever crimes he might be driven by religious bigotry, was not inclined to tolerate free trade in negroes, however large the duty which he

1 First voyage of Mr. John Hawkins.-HAKLUYT, vol. iii. p. 594.

CHAP XII could exact upon them; and the intrusion of the English 1563 into his transatlantic dominions, his experience of them nearer home made him particularly anxious to prohibit. On Hampton's arrival at Cadiz his cargo was confiscated and sold, he himself narrowly escaping the clutches of Displeasure the Inquisition;' the negroes left at St. Domingo were of Philip. forfeited, and Hawkins saw snatched from him a full moiety of his hard-earned prize. He estimated his loss at forty thousand ducats; he cursed, threatened, and implored with equal unsuccess; fearless of man or devil he thought at first of going in person to Madrid and of taking Philip by the beard in his own den; but Chaloner, to whom he wrote, told him with some sarcasm that he would do well not to come thither;' 'it was an ill time for obtaining any suit further than the right or justice of the cause would bear;' he advised him to attempt to obtain a part of the thing to be demanded by procuring some favourite about the King to ask for the whole as a forfeit confiscate;' he might then perhaps recover some part of his loss by a private arrangement.2

Neither by this however nor by any other means could Hawkins obtain one penny for his lost hides and negroes; and the result of his demands was only the despatch of a peremptory order to the West Indies that no English vessel should be allowed under any pretence to trade there. Foreseeing that when the road had been once opened hundreds would rush into it, Philip said distinctly to the ambassador that if the English persisted in going thither evil would come of it; and so impressed was Chaloner with the feelings of the Spanish Government

1 Hugh Tipton to Chaloner, December, 1563.-Spanish MSS., Rolls House. 2 Chaloner to Hawkins, July 6, 1564.-Spanish MSS.

on the subject, that he entreated Elizabeth earnestly to CHAP XII make her subjects respect their objections.1

The warning, if Elizabeth had possessed either power or inclination to act upon it, was not unneeded. Traces appear of more than one attempt to follow in Hawkins's track before he himself moved again; and the African tribes being now on their guard, the slave hunters had been received with poisoned arrows, and had found a difficulty in escaping with their lives."

1564

voyage with

and Council.

of Queen

But Hawkins knew better what he was about; he Second understood how to catch negroes; he understood how to the sanction sell them to Spaniards, whatever Philip might please to say; he would not repeat the single mistake into which he had fallen; and the profits seemed so certain and promised to be so large that Lord Pembroke and others of the Council were ready to take shares in a second adventure. Even the Queen herself had no objection to turn a little honest money; and contenting herself with requiring a promise from him that he would do no injury to the Spaniards, she left the rest to his discretion and placed at his disposal one of the best ships in her service. Cecil alone-ever honourable, ever loathing cruelty and unrighteousness-though pressed to join with the rest, refused, having no liking for such proceedings."

Thus encouraged and supported, Hawkins sailed once

Our folks must be narrowly looked to, and specially that they enterprise no trade or voyage to the Indies or islands of this king's navigation; which if they do, as already they have intelligence of some that do propose it, surely it will breed occasion of much matter of pick.’— Chaloner to Elizabeth, June 18, 1564. -MS. lbid.

2 See Robert Baker's Metrical History of Two Voyages to Guinea in 1562 and 1563, printed by HAKLUYT.

3 El secretário Cecil me ha dicho que á el le ofreciéron quando partió Achines que le admitirian como á los demas; pero que el lo habia rehusado porque no le contentáron semejantes negocios.'-De Silva to Philip, November 5, 1565. MS. Simancas.