further promised an ever-increasing American civil list, independent of American assemblies, to be disposed of by ministers at their discretion for salaries, gifts, or pensions. Here lay the seeds of a grievance indefinite in its extent, taking from the colonies all control over public officers and expenses, and introducing a government by the absolute power of the British parliament, liable to be administered in the interest of Britain and its agents, without regard to the rights and liberties and industries and welfare of the people.

Just as Townshend had intrenched the system in the statute-book he died, and left behind him no able statesman for its steadfast upholder; while the colonies were unanimous in resisting the innovation, and avoided the taxes by stopping imports of the articles which were taxed. The government gave way, and repealed all Townshend's taxes except on tea. Of that duty Lord North maintained that it was but a reduction of the ancient duty of a shilling a pound payable in England, to one of threepence only payable in America; and that the change of the place where the duty was to be collected was nothing more than a regulation of trade to prevent smuggling tea from Holland. The statement, so far as the amount of the tax was concerned, was true; but the sting of the tax act lay in its preamble: Rockingham's declaratory act affirmed the power of parliament in all cases whatsoever; Townshend's preamble declared the expediency of using that power to raise a large colonial revenue. Still collision was averted; for the Americans, in their desire for peace, gave up the importation of tea, and no regular British trader found it prudent to brave their will.

At this, the king, against the opinion of Lord North and of the East India company, directed that company itself to export its tea to America, and to pay in American ports the duty imposed by parliament; hoping that the low price at which the tea under the greatly diminished duty could be offered for sale would tempt Americans to buy. But the colonists would not suffer the tea to be exposed for sale; the crown officers yielded to their resistance everywhere except at Boston, and there the tea was thrown overboard.

The king and the Bedford party seized the occasion to

change by act of parliament the charter granted by William and Mary to Massachusetts. The change could bring no advantage to Britain, and really had nothing to recommend it; to the people of Massachusetts and to the people of all the colonies, submission to the change would have been an acknowledgment of the absolute power of parliament over American liberty as well as property. The people of Massachusetts resisted; the king answered: "Blows must decide." A congress of the colonies approved the conduct of Massachusetts; parliament pledged itself to support the king. In 1773, a truce was possible; after the alteration of the charter of Massachusetts in 1774 by act of parliament, America would have been pacified by a simple repeal of the acts which were innovations; in 1775, after blood had been shed at Lexington, security for the future was demanded.

British statesmen of all schools but Chatham's affirmed the power of parliament to tax America; America denied that it could be rightfully taxed by a body in which it was not represented, for rightful taxation and consent were inseparable. British politicians rejoined that taxation was but an act of legislation; that, therefore, to deny to parliament the right of taxation was to deny to parliament all right of legislation for the colonies, even to regulate trade. To this America made answer that, in reason and truth, representation and legislation are inseparable; that the colonies, being entitled to English freedom, were not bound by any act of a body to which they did not send members; but, as they desired to avoid a conflict, they proposed as a fundamental act their voluntary submission to every parliamentary diminution of their liberty which existed in 1763 including the navigation acts and taxes for regulating trade, on condition of relief from the new system of administration and of security against future attempts for its introduction. Richard Penn was the agent of congress to bear to the king its petition for his concurrence in its endeavor to restore peace and union.

Four days after the petition to the king had been adopted by congress, Richard Penn sailed from Philadelphia on his mission. He arrived in Bristol on the thirteenth of August, and was the next day in London. Joint proprietary of Pennsylva

nia, of which he for a time was governor, long a resident in America, intimately acquainted with many of its leading statesmen, the chosen suppliant from its united delegates, an Englishman of a loyalty above impeachment or suspicion, he singularly merited the confidence of the government. But not one of the ministers waited on him, or sent for him, or even asked him, through subordinates, one single question about the state of the colonies. He could not obtain an opportunity of submitting a copy of the petition to Lord Dartmouth till the twenty-first. The king would not see him. "The king and his cabinet," said Suffolk, "are determined to listen to nothing from the illegal congress, to treat with the colonies only one by one, and in no event to recognise them in any form of association."

"The Americans," reasoned Sandwich, "will soon grow weary, and Great Britain will subject them by her arms." "Lord North," wrote Sir Gilbert Elliot, "is as fat and lazy as ever." He was a skilful manager of a corrupt house of commons, but was unfit for the direction of great affairs. The king "showed his determination," such were his own words, "to force the deluded Americans into submission." He chid Lord North for "the delay in framing a proclamation, declaring them rebels and forbidding all intercourse with them." On the twenty-third of August, two days after Penn had delivered a copy of the petition of congress, he sent out a proclamation. setting forth that many of his subjects in the colonies had proceeded to an avowed rebellion by arraying themselves to withstand the execution of the law, and traitorously levying war against him. "There is reason," so ran its words, "to apprehend that such rebellion hath been much encouraged by the traitorous correspondence, counsels, and comfort of divers wicked and desperate persons within our realm;" and measures were announced "to bring to condign punishment the authors" in America, "and abettors" in England, "of such traitorous designs."

This irrevocable proclamation having been made, Penn and Arthur Lee were "permitted" on the first of September to present the original of the American petition to Lord Dartmouth who promised to deliver it to the king; but, on their pressing for an answer, "they were informed that no answer

would be given." Lee expressed sorrow at the refusal, because it would occasion much bloodshed; and the secretary answered: "If I thought the refusal would be the cause of shedding one drop of blood, I should never have concurred in it."

The proclamation, when read at the royal exchange, was received with a general hiss.

Just after Penn's arrival the ambassador of France reported: "These people appear to me in a delirium; that there can be no conciliation we have now the certainty. Rochford even assures me once more, that it is determined to burn the town of Boston, and in the coming spring to transfer the seat of operations to New York."

Vergennes could not persuade himself that the British government should refuse conciliation, when nothing was asked for but the revocation of acts posterior to 1763; and in his incredulity he demanded of the ambassador a revision of his opinion. "I persist," answered De Guines, "in thinking negotiations impossible. The parties differ on the form and on the substance as widely as white and black. An English ministry in a case like this can yield nothing, for, according to the custom of the country, it must follow out its plan or resign. The only sensible course would be to change the administration. The king of England is as obstinate and as feeble as Charles I., and every day he makes his task more difficult and more dangerous." Vergennes gave up his doubts, saying: "The king's proclamation cuts off the possibility of retreat; America or the ministers must succumb."

In a few weeks the proclamation reached the colonies at several ports. Men said: "While America is still on her knees, the king aims a dagger at her heart." Abigail Smith, the wife of John Adams, was at the time in their home near the foot of Penn Hill, charged with the sole care of their brood of children; managing their farm; keeping house with frugality, though opening her doors to the houseless and giving with good-will a part of her scant portion to the poor; seeking work for her own hands, and ever occupied, now at the spinning-wheel, now making amends for having never been sent to school by learning French, though with the aid of books alone. Since the departure of her husband for congress,

the arrow of death had sped near her by day, and the pestilence that walks in darkness had entered her humble mansion; she was still weak after a violent illness; her house was a hospital in every part; and, such was the distress of the neighborhood, she could hardly find a well person to assist in looking after the sick. Her youngest son had been rescued from the grave by her nursing; her own mother had been taken away, and, after the austere manner of her forefathers, buried without prayer. Woe followed woe, and one affliction trod on the heels of another. Winter was hurrying on; during the day family affairs took off her attention, but her long evenings, broken by the sound of the storm on the ocean or the enemy's artillery at Boston, were lonesome and melancholy. But when, in November, she read the king's proclamation, she willingly gave up her "nearest friend" to his perilous duties, and sent him her cheering message: "This intelligence will make a plain path for you, though a dangerous one; I could not join to-day in the petitions of our worthy pastor for a reconciliation between our no longer parent state, but tyrant state, and these colonies. Let us separate; they are unworthy to be our brethren. Let us renounce them; and, instead of supplications, as formerly, for their prosperity and happiness, let us beseech the Almighty to blast their counsels, and bring to nought all their devices." Her voice was the voice of New England.

Hawley discerned the coming government of the republic, even while it still lay far below the horizon; and he wrote from Watertown to Samuel Adams: "The eyes of all the continent are fastened on your body to see whether you act with the spirit and despatch which our situation calls for; it is time for your body to fix on periodical annual elections, nay, to form into a parliament of two houses."

The legislature of Massachusetts, without waiting for further authority, in an act drawn by Elbridge Gerry, instituted courts for the condemnation of prizes taken from the British.

The first day of November brought the king's proclamation to the general congress. The majority saw that the last hope of conciliation was gone; and, while they waited for instructions from their several constituencies before declaring inde