and he mimicked their peculiar expressions, and ridiculed their religious enthusiasm, manners, and ways of living, greatly to the entertainment of the house.

At this stage, Fox, displaying for the first time the full extent of his abilities, entered into the history of the dispute, and stated truly that "the reason why the colonies objected to taxes for revenue was, that such revenue in the hands of government took out of the hands of the people to be governed the control, which every Englishman thinks he ought to have over the government to which his rights and interests are intrusted." The defence of the ministry rested chiefly on Wedderburn. Gibbon was prepared to speak, but neither he nor Germain could find room for a single word.

Again Lord North hesitated; and Franklin, whose mediation was once more solicited, received a paper containing the results of ministerial conferences on "the hints" which he had written. "We desire nothing but what is necessary to our security and well-being," said Franklin to the agents who came to him. They declared, by authority, that the repeal of the tea act and the Boston port act would be conceded; the Quebec act might be amended by reducing the province to its ancient limits; but the Massachusetts acts must be continued, both "as real amendments" of the constitution of that province, and "as a standing example of the power of parliament." Franklin's reply was brief: "While parliament claims the right of altering American constitutions at pleasure, there can be no agreement, for we are rendered unsafe in every privilege." "An agreement is necessary for America," it was answered; "it is so easy for Britain to burn all your seaport towns." "My little property," rejoined Franklin, "consists of houses in those towns; make bonfires of them whenever you please; the fear of losing them will never alter my resolution to resist to the last the claim of parliament."

When on the sixth of February the address was reported to the house, Lord John Cavendish earnestly "deprecated civil war, necessarily involving a foreign one." "A fit and proper resistance," said Wilkes, "is a revolution, not a rebellion. Who can tell whether, in consequence of this day's violent and mad address, the scabbard may not be thrown away

by the Americans as well as by us; and, should success attend them, whether, in a few years, the Americans may not celebrate the glorious era of the revolution of 1775 as we do that of 1688 Success crowned the generous effort of our forefathers for freedom; else they had died on the scaffold as traitors and rebels, and the period of our history which does us the most honor would have been deemed a rebellion against lawful authority, not the expulsion of a tyrant."

During the debate, which lasted till half past two in the morning, Lord North threw off the responsibility of the tax on tea, and prepared the way for its repeal as the basis for conciliation. It was too late; for a new question of the power of parliament over charters and laws had arisen. The disavowal offended his colleagues, and in itself was not honest; his vote in the cabinet had decided the measure, and it was unworthy of a minister of the crown to intimate that he had obsequiously followed a chief like Grafton, or yielded his judgment to the king.

Lord George Germain was fitly selected to deliver the message of the commons at the bar of the lords. "There is in the address one paragraph which I totally disclaim," said Rockingham; "I will risk neither life nor fortune in support of the measures recommended. Four fifths of the nation are opposed to this address; for myself, I shall not tread in the steps of my noble but ill-fated ancestor, Lord Strafford, who first courted popular favor, and then deserted the cause he had embarked in; as I have set out by supporting the cause of the people, so I shall never, for any temptation whatsoever, desert or betray them."

Mansfield, as if in concert with North, took the occasion to deny having advised the tea-tax; and he condemned the act as the most absurd that could be imagined. Camden, too, disclaimed having had the least hand in the measure. "It is mean," said Grafton, "for him at this time to screen himself, and shift the blame off his own shoulders, to lay it on those of others. The measure was consented to in the cabinet. He acquiesced in it; he presided in the house of lords when it passed through its several stages; and he should equally share its censure or its merit."

A passionate debate ensued, during which Mansfield praised the Boston port act and its attendant measures, including the regulating act for Massachusetts, as worthy to be gloried in for their wisdom, policy, and equity; but he denied that they were in any degree the fruit of his influence. Now, as they were founded on his legal opinions, Shelburne insinuated that Mansfield's disclaimer was in substance not correct. Mansfield retorted by charging Shelburne with uttering gross falsehoods; and Shelburne in a rejoinder gave the illustrious jurist

the lie.

On the ninth of February the lord chancellor, the speaker, and a majority of the lords and commons went in state to the palace, and, in the presence of the representatives of the great powers of Europe, presented to George III. their joint address. The king, in his reply, pledged himself speedily and effectually to enforce "obedience to the laws and the authority of the supreme legislature.” His heart was hardened.

Having just heard of the seizure of ammunition in New Hampshire, he intended that his language should "open the eyes of the deluded Americans." "If it does not," said he to his faltering minister, "it must set every delicate man at liberty to avow the propriety of the most coercive measures."

CHAPTER VIII.

THE SPIRIT OF NEW ENGLAND.

FEBRUARY-MARCH 1775.

On the day on which the king received the address of parliament the members of the second provincial congress of Massachusetts, about two hundred and fourteen in number, appointed eleven men as their committee of safety, and charged them to resist every attempt at executing the acts of parliament. For this purpose they were empowered to take possession of the warlike stores of the province, to make returns of the militia and minute-men, and to muster so many of the militia as they should judge necessary. General officers were appointed to command the force that should be so assembled. First of those who accepted the trust was Artemas Ward, a soldier of some experience in the French war. Next him as brigadier stood Seth Pomeroy, the still older veteran, who had served in 1745 at the siege of Louisburg.

"Resistance to tyranny," thus the congress addressed the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay, "becomes the Christian and social duty of each individual. Fleets, troops, and every implement of war are sent into the province, to wrest from you that freedom which it is your duty, even at the risk of your lives, to hand inviolate to posterity. Continue steadfast, and, with a proper sense of your dependence on God, nobly defend those rights which heaven gave, and no man ought to take from us."

These true representatives of the inhabitants of Massachusetts were resolved never to swerve from duty. They were frugal even to parsimony, making the scantiest appropriations

ever thought of by a nation threatened with war; yet they held their property and their blood of less account than liberty. They were startled at the lightest rustling of impending danger; but they could not be moved from their purpose, and no more trembled than the granite rock which seems to quiver with the flickering shadow of the drifting cloud "Life and liberty shall go together," was their language. "Our existence as a free people absolutely depends on our acting with spirit and vigor," said Joseph Warren; and he wished England to know that the Americans had courage enough to fight for their freedom. "The people," said Samuel Adams, "will defend their liberties with dignity. One regular attempt to subdue this or any other colony, whatever may be the first issue of the attempt, will open a quarrel which will never be closed till what some of them affect to apprehend, and we truly deprecate, shall take effect."

The second provincial congress before its adjournment appointed a committee to draw up in the recess rules and regulations for the constitutional army. They declined to levy taxes in form; but they recommended the inhabitants to pay all their province tax to a treasurer of their appointment. They re-elected their old delegates to congress. They forbade work or supplies for the English troops, saying, "we may be driven to the hard necessity of taking up arms in our own defence." They urged one of their committees to prepare military stores, and directed reviews of every company of minute-men. Aware of the design of the ministry to secure the Canadians and Indians, they authorized communications with the province of Quebec through the committee of correspondence of Boston. A delegation from Connecticut was received, and measures were concerted for corresponding with that and all the other colonies. After appointing a day of fasting, enjoining the colony to beware of a surprise, and recommending military discipline, they closed a session of sixteen days.

The spies of Gage found the people everywhere intent on military exercises, or listening to confident speeches from their officers, or learning from the clergy to esteem themselves as of the tribe of Judah. "Behold," said one of the ministers who preached at a very full review of the militia, "God himself is