is love . . . for love is the token whereby you shall know such a servant that pertaineth to Christ; so that charity may be called the very livery of Christ."

Further on in the same sermon he explains Paul's putting love above faith. Paul is speaking only of the faith that moves mountains, not of the "lively justifying faith; for this right faith is not without love; for love cometh and floweth out of faith. Love is a child of faith; for no man can love except he believe; so that they have two several offices, they themselves being inseparable." 13

Just as Latimer preaches the Christ and the doctrine of the New Testament, so his face is against that which is against it or beside it, the "will-works" as he calls them, such as are denounced or not commanded in the Bible; like pilgrimages and the cult or care of images, purgatory also, and all those things which are set by the counterfeiters of God's coin, like ceremonies and money-redemptions.14 Likewise, of course, the slack and evil preaching of the prelates, and always the oppression of the poor by the rich and mighty. For Latimer by no means confines himself to ills within the Church or caused by its clergy. He had spoken up boldly before King Henry; 15 and in his sermons before Edward had much to say about the duties and character of a righteous King. It was before him that he spoke in a grand sermon upon covetousness and lust, all breeding sedition and rebellion; a sermon upon grasping landlords, and the hard lot of the ploughmen. Passages from its direct Anglo-Saxon diction are not readily to be matched:

They in Christ are equal with you. Peers of the realm must needs be. The poorest ploughman is in Christ equal with the greatest prince that is. Let them, therefore, have sufficient to maintain them, and to find them their necessaries. A plough-land must have sheep; yea, they must have sheep to dung their ground for bearing corn; for if they have no sheep to help fat the ground, they shall have but bare corn and thin. They must have swine for their food, to make their veneries or bacon of: their bacon is their venison, for they shall now have hangum tuum, if they get 13 Compare, in general, his Sermon on the Armour of God, Sermons, o. c. pp. 490 sqq.

14 See Sermons, pp. 36, 52.

15 See also a letter to Henry in Strype, Ecc. Mem. 3, 1, pp. 379 sqq.

any other venison; so that bacon is their necessary meat to feed on, which they may not lack. They must have other cattle: as horses to draw their plough, and for carriage of things to markets; and kine for their milk and cheese, which they must live on and pay their rents. These cattle must have pasture, which pasture if they lack, the rest must needs fail them: and pasture they cannot have, if the land be taken in, and enclosed from them. So, as I have said, there is in both parts rebellion. Therefore, for God's love, restore their sufficient unto them, and search no more what is the cause of rebellion. But see and 'beware of covetousness'; for covetousness is the cause of rebellion." 16

16 Sermons, p. 249. See also the excellent sixth sermon on the Lord's Prayer, ib. pp. 389 sqq.

CHAPTER XXV

PURITAN DOCTRINE

ANOTHER preacher, like Latimer ordained to martyrdom, represents more specifically the beginning of Puritan repugnance to the garb which the English Church commanded its priests to wear. This controversy as to vestments opens the great Puritan movement which impresses itself upon the people, then is checked, and subsequently gains for a while a disturbed ascendancy, making England austere beyond her temperament.

Through Edward's reign the vestiarian controversy ran high, reams of argument coming from the most considerable pens of the Reform. It lay not in the national churchly sense of decency, even under its most protestant impulses, quite to denude itself of ecclesiastical habiliments. Yet Puritan souls, who still were kept within the established church, scrupled to wear them. The controversy focussed around the episcopal consecration of the excellent John Hooper. In Henry's time he had sojourned abroad in Germany and Switzerland, and had been intimate with Bullinger, Zwingli's influential successor at Zurich. Returning to England when Somerset was Lord Protector, Hooper became a noted London preacher, and was nominated by the King to the bishopric of Gloucester. Eight months of argument were required to quiet his scruples against wearing the episcopal robes and taking the oath of canonical obedience. Prelates and divines took part in the amicable controversy.

First Hooper requested Archbishop Cranmer to dispense with these matters. Cranmer refused; and thereupon was solicited to comply by the Earl of Warwick and the boy King himself. Still he felt that even such solicitations would not protect him in a clear violation of the law.

Ridley, bishop of London, was deputed to satisfy Hooper's conscience by argument. The discussion came to some heat between them. Hooper could not thus be brought to wear the vestments which had been worn by papal bishops. The King's council summoned him to present his arguments before it. Cranmer in the meanwhile consulted Bucer, then professor of divinity at Cambridge, and Peter Martyr who filled a like post at Oxford. His inquiry was whether the ministers of God may use garments prescribed by the magistrates without offending God? and whether he who refuseth sinneth?

These two unquestionable protestant luminaries signified their dislike of vestments, but counselled Hooper to accept them as adɩápopov — indifferent. Still he could not see it so; and wrote learned counter arguments, urging in fine, "That whatsoever was not of faith was sin." Since he would not submit, but continued to preach against these unclean trappings, he was committed first to the archbishop's custody, and then to the Fleet. Finally he permitted himself to be persuaded to comply, and was consecrated bishop. He proved to be an admirable one, renovating and cleansing his diocese, preaching everywhere the word of God, and finally sealing his faith with martyrdom under Mary.1 He is an early and eminent example of Puritanism within the Church, which he had entered with so many painful scruples.

In manner peculiarly English the vestiarian controversy presents the budding conscience, or the opening selfconsciousness of Puritanism. The doctrinal tenets of the English Church, with its vigorously sprouting Puritanical wing, were sufficiently established by the close of Edward's reign. Besides articles of faith, a book of Church services was composed, while fitting vestments for the clergy were retained or adapted from those previously The Church's aim to conduct its course uniformity of rites and manners . . . as also to be of one decent behaviour in their outward apparel " is exemplified

worn.

1 See for the whole account Strype, Mem. of Cranmer, 1, 302-315, also in Appendix, nos. 47 and 48. Also Strype, Ecc. Memorials, II, I pp. 350 sqq.; ib. II, II, pp. 34, 444, 455, 456 sqq.

a few years later in the "Advertisements" of Archbishop Parker, himself a perfect type of Anglicanism. They were published in 1566 with special reference to the 66 vestiarian controversy and the extension of Puritan

objections to other observances as well.

During the reign of Mary a considerable number of divines as well as laymen had fled the realm, and betaken themselves to the Low Countries, to Frankfort and other German towns, also to Zurich and most portentously of all to Geneva. These "exiles" of various strains of churchmanship, engaged in hot disputes among themselves in the centres of their sojourn; yet one and all were confirmed in their Protestantism, and became acquainted with church services which had been purified from Romish rites. Many of them moved among churches which disavowed the rule of bishops and governed themselves. under presbyterian-democratic forms. They brought back to England a strengthened repugnance to whatever savoured of popery; and, of course, found many there who hated things papistical. Among these returning exiles, and apart from them as well, currents of influence from Zurich and Geneva continued.

Puritanism in its course and manner was still to be sufficiently English. Its non-conformity, as the word implies, countered practices rather than denied doctrines. Yet, while having little to do with abstract ideas, its dissent was based on a principle, which had been that of the Lollards or 'Lay party.' The principle was that of sole and exclusive reliance upon Scripture, and a literal adherence to it as far as possible, (or even farther!) coupled with refusal to recognize authority outside of it. It is not certain just when and where the name of Puritan was first applied to this scriptural non-conforming movement, but it was sometime before the year 1568.3

It visibly began with scruples like those of Hooper against wearing the vestments of a bishop. Some returning exile, about to be made bishop scrupled the same in the first year of Elizabeth, and sought counsel from

2 Gee and Hardy, o. c. pp. 467 sqq.

3 See Camden, Annales, p. 132, cited in Prothero's Statutes, etc., p. 195.