Page images
PDF
EPUB
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

PREFATORY NOTE.

THE Editor of the ANNUAL REGISTER thinks it necessary to state that in no case does he claim to offer original reports of speeches in Parliament or elsewhere. For the former he is greatly indebted to the Editor of the able and impartial summaries of "Ross's Parliamentary Record," which when necessary have been supplemented by the more extended reports of "Hansard's Debates," and in rarer instances of the Times, Standard, etc., to the Editors of which he begs to tender his best thanks. He has also to express his appreciation of the obliging courtesy of the Editors of the Spectator and the Guardian for their permission to make use of the summaries of speeches delivered outside Parliament appearing in their columns.

CALIFORNIA

ANNUAL REGISTER

FOR THE YEAR

1900.

PART I.

ENGLISH HISTORY.

CHAPTER I.

The First and Last Years of the Century-State of Affairs-Lord Roberts' Appointment-Mr. Balfour and His Constituents-The Defence of the GovernmentContinental Opinion-Delagoa Bay-Sir Charles Dilke on the National Defences-Mr. H. Gladstone on the Duties of the Opposition-Lord Rosebery at Chatham-Mr. L. Courtney's Independent Criticism-Mr. John Morley on Liberal Imperialism-The Duke of Bedford's Indictment of the Ministry-The War Office-The English Church Union and the Archbishops.

THE political position of Great Britain in the first and last years of the nineteenth century had many points of resemblance. On both dates she was engaged in a war of which the difficulties and the duration had been misjudged by her rulers, and at the close as at the opening of the century she was without a continental ally. Europe, from Calais to Constantinople, was not less hostile to England in 1900 than in 1801 on the signing of the Treaty of Lunéville, although none of its nations was actually in arms against her. There was, however, a very important difference in the situation. Outside Europe and its jealousies, Great Britain had found allies in her colonies, grown strong and rich in the course of the latter half of the century. Bound to her only by ties of blood and affection, awaiting no summons, at the first alarm of trouble they rallied to the cause of the mother-country; Canada, Australia, the West Indies, and the semi-independent rulers of India came forward with offers of men and money, unfettered by conditions or demands. With a less unanimous and less spontaneous manifestation of feeling the course of events in both Europe and South Africa might have been very different. More than one continental nation was ready, even eager, to take advantage of England's A 84495

[ocr errors]

entanglement in South Africa; and the tone of the foreign press, official and unofficial, suggested that there would be no difficulty in showing that the rulers of France, Germany or Russia were acting in accordance with national feelings had they committed themselves to a policy which would have ended in war with the one country which had held aloof from alliance with either of the great European leagues. For Great Britain the situation was as anomalous as to bystanders it was unintelligible. She was fighting in support of a colonial policy which foreigners denounced as tyrannous, whilst those who lived under it were ready to defend it with their lives; and whilst the champions of national freedom in autocratic Russia and Germany ardently espoused the cause of the oppressed Boers, the free colonists of Canada and Australia came forward spontaneously to maintain the rights of their countrymen against Dutch supremacy.

;

At home there were also to be found many points of analogy in the state of affairs at the beginning and at the end of the century. Now, as then, there was a stern resolve to carry out the matter in hand to a successful conclusion, notwithstanding the incapacity of the generals in the field, the blunders of the Administration at home, and the want of foresight and intelligence which had marked the opening of the campaign. The British troops had maintained their reputation, and the British nation overlooked-at least for a time-the faults of those leaders who had shown so little skill in turning their soldiers to the best account. The advocates for a cessation of active hostilities found little support, and those who attacked the policy which had brought about the war were in no way strengthened by the reverses to our arms. The pro-Boers, as they were called, could, with difficulty, obtain a hearing in public and their parliamentary leaders showed that the "music-hall militarism by which the nation was possessed could be best met by judicious silence on their part. Possibly they may have also expected that a few more reverses would have served their cause, and have afforded better grounds for weakening public confidence in the Ministry. Just before the close of the year, however, the Government seemed to have awakened to the dangers of the military situation. Field-Marshal Lord Roberts of Kandahar and Lord Kitchener, who had conducted the Soudan campaign with conspicuous ability, were summoned in hot haste to London, and, according to general rumour, without even consultation with the Commander-in-Chief (Lord Wolseley). Without a day's delay, Lord Roberts was given the supreme command in South Africa; and Lord Kitchener, as chief of his staff, was to bring order out of the chaos which was reported to reign at the front, rendering effective movements impossible. Lord Roberts' demands for a large increase to the forces already despatched were acceded to, and his arrival at Cape Town early in the year (Jan. 10) was marked by an immediate appreciation

« PreviousContinue »