Will the honourable member, instead of suffering himself to be led away by vague words, give us a definite meaning of the evils which he conceives to be involved in the phrase "free trade?" Will he tell us what is the system of its opponents? By acting on the principles of free trade, I understand that we ought to lessen or remove every restriction on our commerce, that tends to cramp the energies of individual enterprize, without benefiting the revenue. Those principles I have long advocated, and will continue to advocate; for I am satisfied by experience, that gradual relaxation of our restrictive system has been invariably followed by gradual improvement in our manufactures, our commerce, and our revenue. In those principles I trust my right honourable friend will persevere, despite of clamour, misrepresentation, and obloquy.

Honourable members say, that those principles tend to place the country in an artificial state. But is not, I ask, every country with which we are acquainted, in an artificial state? Is not the very institution of government itself artificial? Is not France, for example, an artificial country? Has she not debts to pay, taxes to levy-a police, an army, a navy, a court, a parliament-in fact, artificial institutions to maintain? In a word, must not every country be said to be in an artificial state, which is not shut up in itself,dependent wholly on its own resources-without any interchange between it and other states-without, therefore, any benefit to receive or to bestow? The charge, then, of an artificial state is meaningless. I feel proud in having had a share in establishing a system of commercial dealing, which I am convinced is the most advantageous to the general interest of the country, that could have been adopted. By it the energies of the empire at large will be cultivated, its industry and capital most advantageously applied, and its resources placed in the most favourable condition for meeting the exigencies to which all great

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commercial nations are exposed, and for which they should never be unprepared. And are we not called upon to foster and expand those energies, by every means in our power, when we look at the stirring intelligence, at the spirit of improvement, which now pervade France, which are equally producing their effects in the Netherlands-in Germany-and in the United States of America? Shall we sit tamely by, while these countries are preparing and strengthening themselves for the race of commercial prosperity, in which they ambitiously hope to outrun us? trust we shall find our security in our own vigilance and activity, and in the many superior natural advantages with which this country is blessed. It is impossible, Sir, as I observed on a recent occasion, for this country to stand still whilst every thing around us is in motion. Yet this is what the honourable member for Newark would seem to recommend. China, therefore, if I may judge from all that has fallen from him, would be his model of a perfect system in this respect; and indeed, Sir, some of the opinions which I have heard broached by the honourable member are so extraordinary, so theoretical, and so extravagant, that, if I did not know that the new member for Newark was an enlightened member of the great commercial community of Leeds, I should almost expect that, by some mistake, the electors of that borough had made choice of a mandarin from the celestial empire.

But, Sir, there is a country in Europe, of which the commercial policy, as far as it is founded upon any principle, or any example which I can trace, must be derived from China. There prohibition and non-intercourse is the rule, and non-prohibition the exception. The country to which I allude is the most favoured in soil, in climate, in the richness and variety of its natural productions, in situation, in the active spirit and intelligence of its inhabitants of any country in Europe. Well, Sir, sce the

effect of this system! Is it to be traced in an overflowing exchequer, in a contented population, in the activity of its sea-ports, in the wealth of the owners of the soil, in a splendid aristocracy, in the exalted station which the country has taken among the great and independent states of the world? The reverse of all this is the picture of modern Italy. I allude to it with a sincere wish that the commercial policy of that country was placed upon a footing more conducive to its prosperity and power, and to its beneficent intercourse with other states. In condemning that policy, I do it with the more regret, as I cannot but state, that there never was an absolute monarchy more mild, less oppressive, more equable in its administration, than that of the House of Austria.

With respect to the motion before the House, I entirely concur with my right honourable friend, that the best way to preserve, and increase, and improve the Silk manufacture of this country, is to persist in the present policy of the Government.

The motion was negatived by a majority of 149 to 31.

EAST RETFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.

May 5.

Mr. Tennyson moved for leave to bring in a Bill," to exclude the Borough of East Retford from electing Burgesses to serve in Parliament, and to enable the town of Birmingham to return two representatives in lieu thereof." Mr. Nicholson Calvert expressed his anxiety, that the franchise should be transferred to the hundred of Bassetlaw, and Mr. Secretary Peel stated, that if the honourable member should move an amendment to that effect, it should have his support.

Mr. HUSKISSON rose and said* :

From the settled aversion which I feel to every system of what is called parliamentary reform, I cannot say

• From Mr. Huskisson's MS. notes.

that I hail with much satisfaction any question which brings, even indirectly, that subject more or less under the review and discussion in this House. I am as far as any man from courting any thing which looks like a general revision of the constitutional body: but when the existence of such abuses and general corruption as have been proved long and habitually to exist in the borough of East Retford are brought to light, and exhibited in proof before us, we have no alternative but to apply some remedy to the specific evil. Further than this I shall never be prepared to go. I take my stand upon the aggregate excellence of our representative system, and I leave to others to take what delight they may in hunting out the anomalies of its detail, having no desire myself to join in that critical examination.

Without intending the slightest disrespect to the honourable members who have preceded me, I must say it does appear to me, that a great part of the debate of this evening would have been better applied to a stage of this measure which I understand to be now gone by. The honourable member for Corfe-Castle* has addressed his arguments to the House, as if it were now considering the effect of the evidence which was formerly taken, and not as if it were considering what the consequences are which ought to follow upon that evidence. The honourable gentleman says, that in the courts of law you cannot institute any proceedings to punish bribery and corruption, unless you do so within two years of the period when the parties were guilty of that bribery and corruption. This House, however, is not placed in that situation. It is not so restricted in its jurisdiction. It has, moreover, decided on a former occasion, that in the borough of East Retford there had been a gross, habitual, and long-continued state of corruption and bribery. The only question, therefore, which we have to discuss is, in what mode we shall deal Mr. George Bankes.

with its forfeited franchise-whether we shall transfer it to some great commercial and manufacturing town, like Birmingham-whether we shall pursue the course which we pursued in the case of Grampound, when we transferred it to a county—or whether we shall retain this universally corrupt borough, and only endeavour to correct or countervail its corruption, by giving a concurrent right of voting to the freeholders of the adjacent hundred of Bassetlaw.

I have heard, Sir, with regret, and I must add with no small degree of surprise, the declaration made this evening by my right honourable friend, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, that the whole weight and authority of Government is to be put forth in support of the amendment of the honourable member for the county of Hertford. That, under such auspices, and backed by such power, it will be successful, I cannot doubt. I shall regret this success, because I cannot help thinking, that it will be at variance with the sentiments generally entertained by the sound and intelligent part of the community; I shall regret this success, because I am convinced, that it will increase, in the public mind, the feeling which already exists in favour of parliamentary reform; I shall regret this success, because I feel that it will ensure the adoption of a course, which must pave the way for a general parliamentary reform. When I say that I feel surprise, as well as regret, at the course which they have adopted, I will tell his Majesty's ministers what is the ground of that surprise. I had persuaded myself, from the conduct which they have hitherto pursued during this session, and above all from the arguments by which they have vindicated that conduct, that they were not insensible to the march of events, and to the state and progress of public opinion in this country.

See, Sir, what that march and that progress have been! Two short years only have elapsed since the honourable and learned member for Winchelsea,* to the great sur

• Mr. Brougham.