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dered the present measures absolutely necessary. My hcnourable friend, in opposing the measures for the removal of the disabilities affecting the Irish Catholics, should bear in mind, that he wrongs the English Catholics also, for whose relief these measures are equally intended. As far as my political conduct is involved in the accusation which my honourable friend has preferred against the Government, I will explain to him the course which I have considered it my duty to pursue. My honourable friend says that, in the year 1825, we passed an act against the Catholic Association, and that, whether or not the Government were united on other questions-in reference to that act the cabinet was united and unanimous. I am ready to acknowledge that upon that Bill all the members of the Cabinet, in this and in the other House of Parliament, were perfectly united and agreed. That bill was passed; and now my honourable friend asks-if the Government found it ineffectual for the suppression of the Association, why did they not call upon Parliament for a stronger and more efficient measure? I would wish to recall the attention of the House to the circumstances of the year 1825, in reference to the great question which then, as now, engaged the attention of Parliament. The bill for the suppression of the Association was passed in the early period of the session of that year, and not without a decided and vigorous resistance being offered to it, and a strong discussion having taken place. The bill, however, was carried in both Houses, and became the law of the land. But, what was passing in the mean time in this country and in Ireland? That Association, against which the bill was directed, relying with confidence that the grievances of which they complained would be taken into the immediate consideration of Parliament, with a view to their removal, forthwith obeyed the law. The leaders of the Association being assured that concession was at hand, at once recom

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mended the discontinuance of the meetings of the Association; and they took every means in their power to enlighten the Committees of both Houses on the state of Ireland, with a view to the removal of the disabilities affecting the Roman Catholics of that kingdom. After the Association had ceased to exist, a bill for the removal of those disabilities was carried by a majority in this House. It was sent up to the other House, and there it was lost; and the consequence was, that the Association was revived. Now, Sir, here comes the consideration, whether it were possible, in the state of the public mind in England and Ireland at that time, to press a measure, such as my honourable friend says should have been pressed, upon the House of Commons, which had already carried a bill of concession, the loss of which had excited the greatest disappointment and dissatisfaction in Ireland, particularly after the sacrifice which they had offered to make of the elective franchise. In that situation of affairs, the Government might have come to Parliament and proposed a measure which would have been as effectual as any measure could possibly be; but, in thus suppressing the Association, it would have been necessary to do nothing more nor less than to entirely and permanently suspend the whole British constitution in Ireland. Does my honourable friend imagine that if the Catholic Association had been thus suppressed, there would have been an end to all discontent in Ireland? Does he suppose that it possessed no ramifications throughout the country, and that there would not have been means found for complaining, if the Association had been extinguished? If, then, a measure of that description had been passed, then, I say, that Ireland would have been in the state which my right honourable and gallant friend, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, has so well described. It would not have been in a state of civilized society, but private revenge and outrages on the law would have prevailed, from one end of the island to the other.

It has been, therefore, Sir, my firm determination, as far as I might be concerned in the councils of the country, that until Catholic emancipation was likely to be conceded, I would not lend myself to any measure that would be nothing more nor less than the total suspension of the constitution in Ireland. And let it also be borne in mind in speaking of the Catholic Association, that while it continued, peace generally prevailed: less crimes were committed in the country than at any former period; private revenge was no longer known; and public outrages had, to a great degree, ceased. Now, Sir, as long as peace was preserved, I was not willing to suspend the constitution in Ireland, without giving to that country any hopes of relief.

This is my answer to my honourable friend. I detest the Irish agitators quite as much as my honourable friend can do. I detest all parliaments, but the parliament constitutionally called by the King. I detest all exchequers but the King's exchequer; and I consider no collection of taxes to be consistent with the safety of the state, except that which is authorized by the law. The greatest danger in the situation of Ireland is, that its peace should rest upon any foundation but the protection and fear of the laws. But there exists in Ireland a power which can command the assemblage of multitudes, and which can control them when assembled. That power belongs to the Catholic Association; and the only way to put that down is by conceding emancipation. In the course of the last session, I expressed a hope, that we should grant emancipation as a boon while it would be received as a boon, and before the question should become one of parley and compromise, when it would cease to be received with gratitude. In the few months that have since elapsed, the dangers which then existed have rapidly increased; and it is therefore the duty of his Majesty's ministers, before the question shall become one of parley and compromise, to settle it, while it

may be granted and received as a favour. I would not require a higher authority than that of Mr. Burke, to justify the wise course which his Majesty's ministers have adopted. "If there is,” says that great statesman, in his memorable speech on economical reform, "any one eminent criterion, which above all the rest, distinguishes a wise government from an administration weak and improvident, it is this-well to know the best time and manner of yielding what it is impossible to keep." There is no language in which I can better describe the wisdom and courage of Government, in at length bringing forward this great question, in order to its being satisfactorily adjusted.

With regard, Sir, to that part of the proposed arrangement which relates to the elective franchise, I own I do not approach it with the same unmixed and cordial approbation with which I regard the main measure itself. Abstractedly I must consider it as an act of positive injustice; and it does not appear to me to be one of indispensable necessity. This is my own opinion of it. But whilst I say this, I wish to defer to the judgment of persons who are so much better acquainted with the state of Ireland than I am, and in whose opinion such a measure'is a desirable accompaniment of the measure of relief. Considering, therefore, the difficulties with which I am sensible this question is surrounded-knowing well the obstacles by which Government have been met, in the wise endeavour to adjust it finally and satisfactorily-being aware how desirable it is that the feelings of the Protestant part of Ireland should be consulted and satisfied-and assured, as I am, that there exists a pressing political expediency for passing the Relief Bill, I deem it right to assent to that for disfranchising the forty shilling freeholders, rather than, by resisting it, embarrass or impede the success of the other great and more important measure.

IRISH QUALIFICATION OF FREEHOLDERS BILL.

March 19.

On the order of the day, for the second reading of the Bill "to amend certain Acts of the Parliament of Ireland relative to the elec tion of Members to serve in Parliament, and to regulate the qualification of Persons entitled to vote at the election of Knights of the Shire in Ireland,"

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I feel, Sir, as strongly as any honourable member possibly can do, the incalculable importance of the measure which, at three o'clock this morning, was carried by a triumphant majority. It has been stated to the House, in a manner which cannot be misunderstood, that that measure is indissolubly bound up with the present-that the fate of the one will decide the fate of the other. This it is, Sir, which increases the embarrassment under which I labour in delivering my sentiments, an embarrassment which arises from my disapprobation of the principle of the bill, which goes to dispose of an elective franchise. I, at the same time, protest against the doctrine-and it is an unparliamentary way of discussing any measure,-that this House is not at liberty to make an alteration in the elective franchise. I cannot discuss the measure with reference to the present state of property in Ireland, as I am not acquainted with it; I shall therefore discuss it on the principle of right. If Ireland were a new country-if she had never enjoyed this right at all, and the question related to the establishment of the elective franchise-then I should not object to the limitation proposed to be introduced; for ten pounds would be a very good limitation if the House were legislating for a new country. But it is said, "You must look at the state of Ireland as connected with this proposition." Now, we are not at liberty to look at the question in that point of view. It must be well known to every honourable member, that it is a point of the

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