had an entire confidence in the good faith of the Government, and was not at all disposed to offer any opposition to the bill for suppressing the Association, although it might not at once be accompanied by a measure of relief to the Catholics.

He did not wish to obtrude himself any longer upon the attention of the House, and he should therefore merely observe, with reference to other parts of the Speech from the Throne, that the proceedings adopted towards Greece had his full and entire approval. He was satisfied that every thing which had been done in the East of Europe, in conjunction with our allies, had been done in the full spirit of the treaty of the 6th of July 1827, and that the exertions of the Government of this country had been unceasingly directed to the establishment of the independence of Greece, and the prevention of the unnecessary effusion of blood. He remarked, that the language used in his Majesty's Speech at the opening of the present session, upon the subject of the blockade of the Dardanelles by the fleet of the Emperor of Russia, was very different from the language used, in the last session, in the Speech delivered from the Throne at its close. At the close of last session it was distinctly declared to the House, that the Emperor of Russia," had consented to waive the exercise, in the Mediterranean sea, of any rights appertaining to his imperial majesty in the character of a belligerent power." Now it was understood beyond all question at the time, that the Emperor had pressed his right to the exercise of this power, and that he had been induced to abandon it, solely on account of the urgent remonstrances of the government of this country. This he knew was the interpretation put upon the declaration in the Speech, and so it had been reported and considered by every mercantile man in the country; and he knew too, that the abandonment of this right was construed into a great boon obtained for our com

merce by the successful interposition and remonstrances of his Majesty's government. In the present Speech, however, it appeared that his imperial majesty had " considered it necessary to resume the exercise of his belligerent rights in the Mediterranean, and had established a blockade of the Dardanelles." Now he did not see how these two passages could be reconciled. He did not think that a party, who had given a consent of this kind, was at liberty to resume his authority, without the consent of that other party, at whose instance, not six months before, he had announced his intention to abandon it. It might be said, that an objection of this nature was not very material; but he thought that every thing which concerned the honour and dignity of the country was of importance, and that it was very material to know there had been no departure from those principles, and from that course of policy, which our situation and our character bound us to maintain.

With respect to that part of the Speech which alluded to Portugal, he considered it as likely to give rise to very reasonable dissatisfaction. He could not undertake, with his present information, to pronounce any opinion upon the nature of the relations which now subsisted between the two countries; but this he might say, that forming a judgment from appearances, he could not possibly reconcile either our present position, or our past transactions in Portugal, with the honour and dignity of the Crown, or with that course of policy, which, under the faith of many treaties, had always placed Portugal in such close and cordial alliance with this country. He had no doubt that much of this admitted of full and satisfactory explanation; but he could assure the House and the government, that such was the light in which our conduct was viewed on the continent of Europe, by all those who had witnessed our forbearance to that person who at present filled the throne of Portugal; which throne he had ascended by one of the

foulest usurpations recorded in history; and it was not the least painful, or the least extraordinary part of that transaction, that the person who had violated all those treaties, was, at our intervention, placed in that trust which he had so foully abused. He did not mean to press this topic further; but he hoped that, for the honour and dignity of the Crown, and the reputation of the country, the affair would be fully and satisfactorily explained. Ministers might be placed in circumstances of difficulty: they might be able to show that they had done their duty, and yet they might, for a season, have sufficient reasons for withholding explanation; but, when the proper time came, the House had a right to expect that a full disclosure of circumstances would be made.

ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS-MODE OF GETTING UP

PETITIONS AGAINST.

March 3.

Mr. Brownlow having presented the general Petition of the people of Ireland, in favour of the Claims of the Roman Catholics,

Mr. HUSKISSON said, that considering the character of the petition, and the high rank, great wealth, and powerful influence of those by whom it was signed, he thought the honourable member who had presented it was called on to enter more fully into its subject than an ordinary petition would have required of him, and to direct to it the particular attention of the House,—a duty which he had ably performed, and to which the character of the individuals, and their extensive knowledge of Irish affairs, had the strongest claim. In all respects, this petition seemed a contrast to the English petitions which, night after night, were poured into the House from all parts of the country, in opposition to the views and intentions of his Majesty's ministers.

The petition before the House looked at the question as one purely of a political nature, as one essentially Irish; and it was in that sense alone that it had been introduced to the notice of the House by the honourable member. In the English petitions, as far as he could judge, the feelings of the petitioners arose from an apprehension on the ground of religion, rather than from a fear of political danger. He respected those feelings in the great body of the people, and he had no doubt that it was by working upon those feelings, that such a number of petitions had been obtained; because the people were led to believe that their religion was involved by the proceedings in Parliament. These, he admitted, were honest prejudices, and such as deserved the serious attention of the Legislature. He thought, however, that it was most important that those who were so active in getting up these petitions should, if possible, be prevailed upon to take a different course from that which they had hitherto pursued, and, instead of hawking them from door to door, and exposing them in public places to which large numbers of the lower orders were in the habit of resorting, call public meetings. There was, he was satisfied, no part of the country where there could not be found men of education, intelligence, and sound views on this question, who would attend at such meetings and allay the fears which were excited, by detailing what was the real state of the question. If such meetings were held-and he was sorry they were not,-men would be found who, instead of endeavouring to prove that this was a question between the Protestant creed and that of the church of Rome, would show that it was one of a purely political character; or that, if it were a question between the two creeds, the only way in which the Protestant creed could expect a triumph would be to open a fair field to each; for in that case the Protestant religion would most certainly be triumphant.

He had no hesitation in stating emphatically, that the measure of concession was inevitable. He did not mean that this necessity was physical; but he would say, that there was a great moral necessity for considering this subject, with a view to concession. He had heard much in that House and out of it, of settling the question; but he had never heard of any other measure which could bring it to a conclusion, except indeed, what had been intimated by a gallant officer on a former evening; namely, a direct appeal to the sword. That gallant officer, speaking of his constituents, had said, that their ancestors had once fought the Catholics, and that they themselves were ready to fight them again. With persons so heated, it would not be very useful to reason; but in that very state of feeling which showed one party ready to fight with the other, he saw the absolute necessity of concession. Another measure hinted at, and one in appearance more pacific, was to dissolve the Parliament, and appeal to the people. Dissolve the Parliament! Why, fortunately for this country, the Crown could not take such a step, without the concurrence of its responsible advisers. It would be insanity itself to suppose that the present ministry could advise such a measure; but if they did not, by whom could such advice be given? It would be insanity to suppose that, as public men, they could advise such a course; especially after the honest and manly avowal of a change in their opinions on this subject, which had been made by the noble Duke at the head of the government, by his right honourable friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and by other influential members of his Majesty's Government. But then, if men of their opinions could not be found to advise such a course, would it not be still more insane to suppose that a set of men could be brought into the cabinet on mixed principles, with a determination to remain neutral? That would now be impossible. He had