as rapidly improved within the last twenty years, as any people had improved in an equal space of time within the cognizance of history. Within these very few days he had had the opportunity of communicating with a most able, intelligent, and disinterested witness-he meant the Bishop of Jamaica-and he could assure the House, that the report which that right reverend individual had furnished, was highly satisfactory, as to the progress of moralization among the slave population since the abolition of the trade, and since the efforts made by Government to ameliorate the condition of the negroes. But it would be greatly to be lamented, for the sake of the slaves themselves, and of humanity in general, if the House were so to interfere with the progress of the measures of Government, as to disturb that settled state of things, which was gradually leading to such great improvements. The honourable member for Callington had said, that the negroes of Antigua were as well informed, with respect to their religious duties, as the labouring classes of St. Giles's, or of any of the central districts of the metropolis, or as the labouring classes of this country in general. But if this were the case, he would ask, whether these facts did not give him a right to call on the legislature of that colony to give these well-instructed, religious, and moral persons, the full enjoyment of their civil rights the right to be heard, and to have their evidence received, in courts of justice? The negro ought, surely, to be able to claim this right, when his property, or the welfare of his fellow-creature, was at stake.

The first step towards the improvement of the slave population was the abolition of fresh importations from Africa. From that time their progress in improvement had been rapid, and if not interrupted by internal disturbances, it would lead to that degree of civilization, which would induce Parliament to think that they had

done much better in the course they pursued, than if they had taken a step which would require large compensation to the colonists, and would, at the same time, be highly prejudicial to their interests, as well as to those of the slaves themselves. With respect to the question of contingent compensation, it could only arise when the principle of compulsory manumission had been carried to such an extent, that the colonial plantations could not be worked; and in that case something beyond the mere value of the slave should be considered, as far as the master was concerned. But it appeared that some difficulties had arisen in appraisement, from the fact that the appraisers in Trinidad looked to other circumstances beyond the actual value of the slave, and on that account the order had been suspended; and therefore some measure, he admitted, was necessary to obviate that difficulty. In that measure they should look to the principle of the resolutions of the House in 1823. In those resolutions two great points were considered. The first was, the amelioration of slavery, the parties still remaining slaves; the second was, to render their condition better, so as to have a gradual transition from slavery to freedom; but for that purpose, no step had been suggested but that of compulsory manumission. This question of compulsory manumission was not, however, to be considered at the present moment. These were matters for serious consideration, but Parliament would not depart from the great object which it had in view. It was bound to attempt, first, the amelioration of the slaves, and its attempts should be directed in such a course as would ultimately,—not rapidly, and he was afraid not within any time that could be specified, but ultimately and securely, -lead to a change in their civil condition. He did not mean to say, that it might not be well to consider what modifications of the existing regulations it might be

proper to adopt; but here it was the duty of ministers to wait until Parliament should take a different view of the subject from that which they had already recorded. He thought it necessary to say thus much, in order to guard against a supposition that Government were disposed to recede from the instructions already given. On the

contrary, they would steadily bear in mind the principles laid down by Parliament, and the views in which those principles originated.

EAST RETFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.

March 21.

The order of the day was read, for taking into further consideration the report from the committee of the whole House, on the Bill" to exclude the Borough of East Retford from electing Burgesses to serve in Parliament, and to enable the Town of Birmingham to return Two Representatives to Parliament in lieu thereof." Mr. Tennyson having moved, that the Speaker do now leave the chair, Mr. Nicholson Calvert moved, "That it be an instruction to the Committee, that they have power to make provision for the prevention of Bribery and Corruption in the election of Members to serve in Parliament for the Borough of East Retford, by extending the right of voting to all Forty-shilling Freeholders of the Hundred of Bassetlaw."

Mr. Secretary HUSKISSON said, he was perfectly ready to agree with those who thought that they ought not to anticipate what might be the decision of the other House of Parliament. The House had now passed beyond the stage of judicial inquiry, and had only to consider the course which, under present circumstances, it was expedient to adopt. If the House of Lords, upon inquiry, arrived at the same conclusion with respect to the delinquency of the borough in question, then the only question which

would remain for them to decide would be the question of policy. If, on the present occasion, the House had only to treat the question as in the case of one delinquent, it would be fair to treat it, perhaps, on the principle which had been adopted in the instance of the borough of Grampound. He certainly should, in that case, recommend the measure of transferring the franchise to some great commercial town. It was not with one, but with two, that at present they had to deal; and they had to deal with both at the same time. If he rightly understood the principle upon which they should act, it would be this-not only to consult the feelings of the other branch of the legislature, but also the feelings of the House of Commons; and, what was of infinitely more importance, the feelings of the various classes into which the nation was divided, and out of which grew the balanced and varied representation that formed the distinguishing characteristic of the constitution of this country. His right honourable and learned friend opposite* had declared himself favourable to the transfer of the franchise, of which it was proposed to deprive East Retford, to some great commercial community, which had never before enjoyed that privilege, rather than to some place which, in previous times, had been partially represented ; and had cited instances derived from our history, near the commencement of the great civil wars, and during the reigns of the Stuarts. That, however, was a period of our history from which few good precedents could be derived. He would rather refer him to a more recent precedent; that of Grampound, where, upon the conviction of gross corruption on the part of a borough, they had determined to give the franchise to the county of York; which, considering its great wealth, and the extent of its population,

was thought the fittest body, then without it, to which the right could be transferred.

He could not agree that the deprivation contemplated in the present measure was not to be regarded in the light of a punishment. His right honourable friend, by whom that had been asserted, here opposed himself to no mean authority; namely, that of the late Mr. Fox. For more than once it had been declared by that eminent individual, that to deprive parties so circumstanced of such a trust-to take away from them so valuable a privilege-would be doing that which, in no point of view, could otherwise be regarded than as a great punishment. Now, whether it was considered in the light of a punishment or otherwise, one thing at least was certain-that out of the two cases then before Parliament, they ought not to neglect the opportunity afforded them-they should neglect no means likely to attain an end that might be presumed to be beneficial and satisfactory to the people. It was his opinion, that before they transferred the privilege, heretofore possessed by a corrupt borough, to a great commercial community, they should consider how far that act was in conformity with the great principle from which they should not depart ; namely, that of making the transfers alternate between the trading and the landed interests-proceeding always, of course, according to the circumstances of each individual case that came before them. He could not agree with his right honourable friend, that all the turbulence and riot which sometimes occurred in this country was confined to places destitute of representation. Nottingham afforded a striking instance to the contrary. It was from that town, as a centre, that Luddism spread itself through the country, extended itself to Manchester, and was productive of perhaps more injury than any other similar principle of discord and violence. Glasgow again was also represented. [No,