With respect to the duty imposed on the importation of foreign wool into France, it was undoubtedly very considerable. The course was this-(and in explaining it, he meant not to inquire whether it was a wise system or not) -a heavy duty was laid on the wool imported, and an account was opened between the officers of Government and the importer. A drawback greater than the amount of the duty was allowed to the importer, if he proved satisfactorily that he had exported woollen goods equal in value to the quantity of wool which he had imported. This system might answer in France; but it certainly would not suit the complicated machinery of the trade of this country. On the contrary, it would create endless confusion and embarrassment. When they considered the varied manufactures of this country, in which a little foreign wool was mixed with that of English growth, it must appear impossible that such a system could be adopted here. At the same time, he did not mean to condemn that policy with respect to France. He would remind the House, that France and the Netherlands were running this country very hard, with reference to woollen manufactures; and, there fore, if heavy duties were laid on the raw material, it would be giving those countries a great advantage over England. It was clear that such a proceeding must injure the grower, who must, of necessity, suffer if the manufacturer could not purchase. It would be the means of depriving the labourer and the industrious artisan of this country of that employment and remuneration which his exertions deserved. He would tell those who were interested in the success of agriculture, that that system best deserved their support which gave steady, constant, and full employment to the labourer, and which afforded him good and sufficient wages. It was with a view to the establishment of that system that the Government was now acting, and, by properly following it up, they would, he

was quite sure, do infinitely more to promote the agriculture of the country, than by any artificial attempt to force production beyond the fair limits of demand.

MR. DAVENPORT'S MOTION FOR A SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE DISTRESSED STATE OF THE COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES OF THE COMMUNITY.

June 14.

Mr. Davenport moved, "That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the Causes of the Severe Distress which has afflicted the Commercial and Industrious Classes of the Community, during the last and present year." After the motion had been supported by Mr. Leicester, Mr. King, Mr. Fyler, and Sir F. Burdett,

Mr. HUSKISSON said, that the motion was for a committee to inquire into the causes of the difficulties which had affected the industrious classes of the community during the last and present year; and in making that motion, the honourable member had gone into almost every topic of political economy, which could afford matter for discussion there, or in any other place; and to these topics each gentleman who had successively addressed the House had added almost every other which could by possibility engage the attention of Parliament.

One of the subjects adverted to by the honourable mover was the measure passed by Parliament, which went to the abolition of one and two-pound notes. The honourable seconder praised that measure; but on many other points, the opinions of the honourable mover and seconder were wide as the poles asunder. Another honourable gentleman, speaking of Ireland, wished this committee, on the 14th day of June, to inquire into the state of the population of Ireland-into the relations between the landlord and tenant in that country-into the mode in which the

landlord oppressed the tenant. The question of emigration, in all its branches, was also to occupy the attention of this committee. Another question which was to be submitted to it, on this 14th of June, was, whether it would be expedient to abandon the Canadas, and separate them from the dominion of the Crown. The Sinking Fundthe Catholic question-and every other possible practical and theoretical question that could occupy the attention of Parliament were also to be submitted to it.

Now, considering the very opposite statements of the gentlemen who had spoken in favour of this Committee, it would be extremely difficult, however desirable it might -be, for them to come to a satisfactory decision on the various questions which were to be brought under their consideration.

He well remembered the period to which the honourable mover had alluded, when he (Mr. Huskisson) was regarded as a wild theorist and a dealer in abstract doctrines, on subjects connected with the currency. In the year 1811, he was in a very small minority, which voted that the currency was in a state of depreciation; and it was a little singular, that those who now pressed upon them the consequences of that depreciation, and who exaggerated the effect it had produced on the rent of land, and on the interests of the landowner, were among those who did not, at that time, believe in the existence of the evil. The rent of land had doubled in the last ten years; yet these gentlemen did not, in the year 1811, believe in the diminution of the value of money, but denounced him, and all those who maintained that doctrine, as visionary theorists, and as men altogether unworthy of the respect or notice of the public. It is certain, that the men who now considered themselves infallible, were not among those who perceived the depreciation of the currency, which led to the consequences which had since ensued.

The honourable mover was anxious that the salaries of those whose labours and talents were devoted to the service of the public, should be reduced to the standard of 1792. But if a direct tax was to be levied upon incomes, let it be fairly applied-let every man be required to meet it according to the fair level of his situation in the country—let it be levied equally and impartially upon every species of income. The honourable gentleman had adverted to the low amount of the incomes of persons at that time connected with the Board of Ordnance, as compared with the present salaries. Now, he believed there was not one of the gentlemen connected with that department, who would not be glad to be placed in the situation of those who held similar situations in 1792. The fact was, that although the salaries in 1792 were small, the emoluments derived from fees, which were now abolished, were so considerable, that the whole remuneration greatly exceeded the existing fixed salaries.

With regard to the motion now before the House, it was in reality an attempt to renew the motion made by the honourable member for Essex in 1822. He had, at that time, explained at so much length the grounds upon which he opposed that motion, that he should not trouble the House with a repetition of the arguments which he had then used. If it was wrong in 1822, to depart from the system by which the currency was settled in 1819, it would be much more so to attempt to unsettle that system in 1827. There was no part of his public life upon which he looked back with more satisfaction, than the occasion on which he had opposed the attempt of the honourable member for Essex, to break in upon the system adopted in 1819; by which Parliament was pledged not to make any alteration in the fineness, the weight, and the denomination of the currency. Five years had elapsed since the House had come to that resolution; and they would now, in his opinion,

amount to He should,

be guilty of something which would almost insanity, if they were to attempt to alter it. therefore, give his decided opposition to a motion, of which the object substantially was, to introduce a doubt whether Parliament ought to adhere to the standard of currency adopted in 1819.

No measure, in fact, would create more alarm throughout the country, than one which suggested the probability of an attempt, on the part of the legislature, to alter that standard. It was a proposal fatal to all the landmarks of property, and calculated to destroy all the securities upon which the interchange of property was founded. If the honourable baronet, the member for Westminster, could persuade the manufacturing and labouring classes, that in proportion as corn was dear their prosperity would increase; and, at the same time, persuade the agriculturists that a free trade in corn, without any restrictions or prohibitory duty would give them high prices, he would accomplish a very desirable object, and save the House, if not in this, at least in a future session, a good deal of laborious discussion on a subject upon which all were not likely to agree.

Upon these grounds, he should oppose the motion for going into a committee-a motion, in fact, which could hardly be seriously made, considering the short time which was likely to intervene between the present period and the prorogation of Parliament; and of which, if the inquiry were at this time practicable, the only effect would be to throw the whole country into confusion.

Mr. Davenport, finding that his friends and supporters were of opinion that it would be useless to press the motion, begged leave to withdraw it.