The apologist predicates the exclusion of the colored men from the elective franchise upon an alleged inferiority of the African type. The justification of African slavery is based upon the same comfortable assurance, and the argument is equally tenable in the one case as in the other. It may be that Providence created the different races of men at different times, and by isolated creations, intending that one race should be crushed, larcerated, and degraded, for the profit, pleasure, or convenience of another race; but the proposition is too monstrous to be adopted practically, without the most conclusive and indisputable evidence.

Reason, the human face, and the human form divine, are letters patent under the hands of the Almighty, which entitle their possessor to all the consideration which belongs to humanity. Practically, color proves nothing. It neither establishes nor disproves capacity to discharge the duties of the citizen. In the actual emergencies of life, it receives no consideration. Experience has demonstrated that the blacks are capable of sustaining a regularly organized government, and that under its auspices, trade, and commerce, and the arts of civilization, have flourished; and although it may be said that the African race do not possess the character to originate civilization, and only partake of advancement by contact, yet it is, after all, reasonable to suppose that all races possess the power of self-culture, and innate elements of character sufficient to advance them to as great a degree of perfectibility as the caucassian race, which we assume to be the most favored type of the human family.

If, however, color be made the test of qualification for citizenship, then an inquiry may naturally arise whether this restriction shall spend its force upon the black alone, or whether it shall include all shades of color. Many colored men approach very nearly to pure Caucassian blood. Is this approach sufficiently near to the proposed standard to entitle him to become an elector, or shall the slightest tinge work his disfranchisement?

If one alternative be adopted, then in your zeal to exclude one-twentieth black, your law may exclude nineteen-twentieths Caucasian. If the other, then are we compelled not to inquire as to the intellectual or moral character of the person, but merely to consult his genealogy. To such absurdities are we led by a false criterion. There is one flagrant injustice resulting directly from the arbitrary restriction of the elective franchise, which your committee think worthy of particular notice here. Our laws tax the property of the colored man equally with the property of the white citizen; taxation, without representation, disguise it as you may, is only legalized plunder—a forced contribution, a badge of despotism. It is true that the black enjoys, to some degree, the protection of our laws, and the safeguards of our institutions. Similar to this, but with greater force, was the reply of the British Government to the complaints of the American colonies, that taxes were imposed upon them without their consent. The rejoinder of the colonists was an appeal to arms, the vocal arguments of booming cannon, and rattling musketry.

We have thus far, in treating of the subject of the memorial, placed the extension of the right of suffrage to the black, upon the broad grounds of justice and equality of human rights. We propose now, briefly to examine it as a question of expediency. We would test the question of expediency, not from present appearances, but by ultimate and inevitable results. Continue our present restrictive policy, and you promise to the black continued degradation and political inequality. A sense of wrong and injustice will aleniate his affections from the government that presses upon him with a heavy hand. He will become indifferent to the interests of a community that denies him political fellowship, and seems only to recognize his manhood in order to strip him by taxatlon. Discontented, without hopes, without aspirations, he affiliates with vice, and becomes the tenant of your jails and your penitentiary, or only resort to the most menial occupations for a scanty

livelihood. Thus will be perpetuated a discontented population, a perpetual gangrene upon the body politic. But change the policy of our constitution and laws; give to the black the rights which belong to him as a man, and you change his destiny; you awaken into life and activity sentiments of patriotism and devotion to country, as natural to the black as to the white. You secure his respect for laws and institutions, which respect his rights; you elevate his entire character, and convert the stubborn malcontent into the useful citizen.

Such your committee believe will be the result of a policy founded upon justice. But fortunately the views of your committee do not rest upon abstract theory; we have the light of the example of other States. Massachusetts has granted the rights of freemen to the blacks within her border. New York gives to them the elective franchise, subject to qualifications, not very onerous.

The constitution of New Hampshire declares that all elections ought to be free, and every inhabitant of the State, having the proper qualifications, (among which color is not included,) has an equal right to elect and be elected into office.

The constitution of Vermont is equally explicit. Its language is: "Every man of the full age of twenty-one years, qualified by a residence of one year, and who is of quiet and peaceable behavior, and who will take the necessary oath, shall be entitled to vote, and to all the privileges of a freeman."

The constitution of Rhode Island, upon this subject, is more equivocal. Connecticut, pursuing the same narrow policy, which applied to a different subject, formerly made her intolerant upon matters of religion, excludes blacks from the polls; and her colored population are proverbially degraded and indolent.

In conclusion, your committee believe there is nothing in the prayer of the memorialists but what is just in theory, and nothing but what the experience of other States has demonstrated as practicable and salutary; and nothing inconsistent with true progress, and the spirit of the age. True humanitarian progress has erased much odious and oppresive legislation from our statute. Our laws once regarded the black as prima facie a slave. When his freedom was sufficiently established, his presence was still regarded as dangerous to society, or which might, by his misfortunes, become burdensome to public charity. Our laws formerly banished him from schools, and made him incompetent as a witness in courts of justice, where a white man was party to the suit. Our laws previously undertook, that as far as possible, the curse pronounced upon Canaan, should be extended to all the descendants of Ham. Who would replace these deformities upon our statute? Not content with the past, your committee propose further progress; and whatever may be the action of this Legislature, they believe that time will accomplish the justice which they recommend. The nineteenth century is remarkable for advancement in every thing that elevates humanity. Its lapse will be more glorious than its morning or its maridian. In every reform truth treads daintily at first, but gathering confidence with every advance, its march is the tread of a conqueror; aged despotisms are as fine dust before it; effete superstitions and prejudices, hoary with age, are scattered and dispelled like hateful shades and shadowy mists before the light of morning.

HERMAN CANFIELD,

O. P. BROWN,
LESTER TAYLOR,

Special Committee.

Resolved, That the committee on the judiciary be instructed to report to the Senate, a bill which shall provide for submitting to the qualified electors of the State, at the next election for senators and representatives, an amendment to the constitution, by which the elective franchise shall be extended to colored men, under the same restrictions, and subject to the same conditions as are imposed upon white citizens.

Resolved, That the committee on benevolent institutions be instructed to inquire and report to the Senate, what legislation, if any, is necessary, in order to extend a participation in the benefits of those institutions, to the colored population.

MAJORITY REPORT

OF THE

COMMITTEE ON BENEVOLENT INSTITUTIONS,

IN RELATION TO THE USE OF LIQUOR

AT THE

OHIO LUNATIC ASYLUM.

IN SENATE, APRIL 8, 1856.

The object of the Senate in recommitting the Report made by the Committee on Benevolent Institutions, for the purpose of obtaining information as to "the use" made of certain liquors at the Lunatic Asylum in Columbus, is substantially the same as in the adoption of the first resolution. By the first resolution passed upon the subject, they were also required to state "the use made of the liquors in question, and in making the report they did, they were guided by such evidence as at that time appeared accessible.

Your committee, however, in deference to the wish of the Senate, have again taken the subject under consideration, and have availed themselves of such means of information bearing upon the subject, as it has been in their power to command. By a resolution also adopted by the Senate since the date of the recommitment to the committee, viz: on the 28th of March, 1856, we have also been authorized to extend the inquiry into "the use " of all other liquors under the administration of the present superintendent. They have received the statement of the present superintendent, by whose direction a portion of these liquors were purchased, and have examined the Reports of the Ohio Lunatic Asylum and that of the asylums of other States, and have sought information from such other sources as would afford information on the subject. As to the actual "use," however, of the liquors in question, your committee have no other positive testimony than the statement of the superintendent himself. We can find no disinterested person who looked on

while every quart of it was being consumed. It would not be a very safe expedient to consult the lunatics, who, it is alledged, drank these liquors, for even a sane person, after such copious draughts, might be considered in a very questionable state of mind to make a "clear case."

That liquors have been used in the Ohio Lunatic Asylum since the term of the present incumbent, other than for "medical or pharmaceutical purposes," is also true, and is believed not to have been "a mean article."

As this question has assumed an aspect of considerable importance, it could not reasonably be expected that your committee would stop at this point. The propriety and necessity of using the great amount of liquor for the purposes asserted to have been done, is surely a subject of legitimate inquiry and examination. Conceiving such to have been our duty, under the circumstances, your committee have called the attention of the superintendent himself directly to this point. In answer to our request, he has submitted an elaborate statement, which is here with submitted, being extracts of medical authorities bearing on the subject of lunacy. In submitting this long statement, the right to examine into the propriety of using the quantity of liquor aforesaid, has been fully conceded. By this citation of authorities sustaining the use of liquors in the treatment of some forms and cases of insanity, it is merely shown, (what perhaps has never been denied,) that certain cases of insanity are best treated by a prudent use of stimulants; but your committee, after dilligent investigation, are unable to learn from these "extracts," or from any other source of information whatever, that it is necessary or desirable to make use of even an approach to the amount of liquors with the same average number of inmates in the same period of time, that appears to have been consumed in the asylum at Columbus. It is not asserted or claimed by the superintendent that there has been any remarkable or unusual proportion of cases requiring stimulants, and in his annual report for the year 1854, although dwelling upon the medical history and medical treatment of the patients, he does not even mention alcoholic stimulation as a necessary or important remedial agency. In the report for 1855, the use of diffusible stimuli is once barely mentioned. It appears to be a matter of no little singularity, that so long as the facts and figures show the large number of gallons of different kinds of liquors alleged to have been used for "medical and pharmaceutical purposes," that the subject should receive so little attention at the hands of the superintendent, when other matters have been elaborated upon at length.

Some knowledge may be gained as to the proper amount of liquors to be used in the asylum, by ascertaining the amount used in the same asylum in preceding years, and that consumed in other asylums. In former years, it appears that the items of liquor were always included with, and reported as a part of the "medicinal supplies," being used as medicines then, if not now. The exact amount, therefore, of the cost of this portion of the medical supplies could not be ascertained without great labor in getting at the original accounts, but an approximation to it may be made by taking the entire cost of medicines and liquors. The following tables are made up from the official reports of the several asylums named, and may be relied upon :