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a less feverish period. I was familiar a hasty step sounded at my side. I
with all the later theories of those felt a hand grasping me.
visions and hallucinations, which so Altuna's. “I have been looking for

.
often result from strong mental ex- you,” said he, “ in every part of
citement, and which undoubtedly this unhappy place; the night is fall-
make up so large a share of direct ing fast. It will be impossible to
insanity. If there were a terror of find shelter here, and we have only
terrors to me, it was that of losing to trust to our chances of the high-
such degree of understanding as road. Up, we have no time to lose.”
had been allotted to my share. I I raised my heavy eyes.

My victherefore determined to conquer tory over the illusion was complete. this illusion by the force of reason, The pedestal was empty of all but to give my senses time to recover its vine tendrils and weeds, the stafrom the fever which had wrought tue was lying on its side on the this phenomenon into living force, ground. I gazed on it again with and to convince myself of the re- the feelings of a Pygmalion. I would covery of the healthful state of my have removed it with me, but the mind, by seeing the vision gradually sun was sinking behind the grove. disappear. I gazed, but the figure, Night had almost hidden its beauty; instead of vanishing, seemed to to carry it with us, as Altuna justly make a gesture of actual life. The observed, would have been imposhand seemed to rise towards the sible at the moment, even if we lips, the lips themselves to wreathe were entitled thus to plunder the with a smile. The new force of property of whoever was the illusion only startled me the the inheritor of the Ildefonzo line.

I felt myself powerless to I submitted to reasons which were move a limb; enfeebled by wounds thus unanswerable, and after one and weariness, exhausted by emo- long and sorrowful look at the retion, my eyes grew dim, and I sat, lics of the palazzo, suffered mywith their gaze fixed on the form, self to be placed in the calèche, and but fixed almost sightless. At length, driven away.

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more.

THE ENGLISH BOY.

BY MRS HEMANS.

" Go, call thy sons; instruct them what a debt

;
They owe their ancestors; and make them swear
To pay it, by transmitting

down entire
Those sacred rights to which themselves were born."

AKENSIDD.

Look from the ancient mountains down,

My noble English Boy!
Thy country's fields around thee gleam

In sunlight and in joy.

Ages bave roll’d since foeman's march

Pass'd o'er that old firm sod;
For well the land hath fealty held

To Freedom and to God!

Gaze proudly on, my English Boy!

And let thy kindling mind
Drink in the spirit of high thought

From every chainless wind !

There, in the shadow of old Time,

The halls beneath thee lie,
Which pour'd forth to the fields of yore,

Our England's chivalry.
VOL. XXXYI. NO, CCXXIV,

1

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THE CAESARB.

I. De Quincey

CHAPTER V.

the unap

The Roman Empire, and the Ro- events to which their history is atman Emperors, it might naturally be tached. Their whole interest lies supposed by one who had not as yet in their situation-in traversed that tremendous chapter proachable altitude of their thrones. in the history of man, would be like. But, considered with a reference to ly to present a separate and almost their human qualities, scarcely one equal interest. The Empire, in the in the whole series can be viewed first place, as the most magnificent with a human interest apart from monument of human power which the circumstances of his position. our planet has beheld, must for that “ Pass like shadows, so depart!” single reason, even though its re- The reason for this defect of all percords were otherwise of little inter- sonal variety of interest in these est, fix upon itself the very keenest enormous potentates, must be sought gaze from all succeeding ages to the in the constitution of their power end of time. To trace the fortunes and the very necessities of their ofand revolutions of that unrivalled fice. Even the greatest among them, monarchy over which the Roman those who by way of distinction eagle brooded, to follow the dilapi. were called the Great, as Constan. dations of that aërial arch, which tine and Theodosius, were not great, silently and steadily through seven for they were not magnanimous ; nor centuries ascended under the colos. could they be so under their tenure sal architecture of the children of of power, which made it a duty to be Romulus, to watch the unweaving of suspicious, and, by fastening upon all the golden arras, and step by step to varieties of original temper one dire see paralysis stealing over the once necessity of bloodshed, extinguished perfect cohesion of the republican under this monotonous cloud of creations,—cannot but ensure a se- cruel jealousy and everlasting panic vere, though melancholy delight. On every characteristic feature of genial its own separate account, the de- human nature, that would else have cline of this throne-shattering power emerged through so long a train of must and will engage the foremost princes. There is a remarkable story place amongst all historical reviews. told of Agrippina, that, upon some The “dislimning” and unmoulding occasion when a wizard announced of some mighty pageantry in the to her, as truths which he had read heavens has its own appropriate in the heavens, the two fatal negrandeurs, no less than the gathering cessities impending over her son, of its cloudy pomps. The going one that he should

ascend to empire, down of the sun is contemplated the other that he should murder herwith no less awe than his rising. Nor self, she replied in these stern and is any thing portentous in its growth, memorable words--Occidat, dum imwhich is not also portentous in the peret. Upon which a Continental steps and "moments” of its decay. writer comments thus : “Never be Hence, in the second place, we might fore or since have three such words presume a commensurate interest in issued from the lips of woman; and the characters and fortunes of the in truth, one knows not which most successive Emperors. If the Empire to abominate or to admire-the aschallenged our first survey, the next piring princess, or the loving mother. would seem due to the Cæsars who Meantime, in these few words lies guided its course; to the great ones naked to the day, in its whole hideous who retarded, and to the bad ones deformity, the very essence of Rowho precipitated, its ruin.

manism and the Imperatorial power, Such might be the natural expec- and one might here consider the tation of an inexperienced reader. mother of Nero as the impersonation But it is not so. The Cæsars, through- of that monstrous condition.” out their long line, are not interest- This is true : Occidat dum imperet, ing, neither personally in themselves, was the watchword and very cogni. nor derivatively from the tragic zance of the Roman Imperator. But

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almost equally it was his watchword we are to date its Decline? Gibbon,

-Occidatur dum imperet. Doing or as we all know, dates it from the suffering, the Cæsars were almost reign of Commodus; but certainly equally involved in bloodshed; very upon no sufficient, or even plausible few that were not murderers, and grounds. Our own opinion we shall nearly all were themselves mur- state boldly: the Empire itself, from dered.

the very era of its establishment, was The Empire, then, must be re- one long decline of the Roman garded as the primary object of our power. A vast monarchy had been interest; and it is in this way only created and consolidated by the that any secondary interest arises for all-conquering instincts of a Rethe Emperors. Now, with respect to public-cradled and nursed in wars, the Empire, the first question which and essentially warlike by means of presents itself is,—Whence, that is, all its institutions* and by the habits from what causes and from what era, of the people. This monarchy had

*

Amongst these institutions, none appear to us so remarkable, or fitted to accomplish so prodigious a circle of purposes belonging to the bighest state policy, as the Roman method of colonization. Colonies were, in effect, the great engine of Roman conquest; and the following are among a few of the great ends to which they were applied. First of all, how came it that the early armies of Rome served, and served cheerfully, without pay? Simply because all who were victorious knew that they would receive their arrears in the fullest and amplest form upon their final discharge, viz. in the shape of a colonial estate-large enough to rear a family in comfort, and seated in the midst of similar allotments, distributed to their old comrades in arms. These lands were already, perhaps, in high cultivation, being often taken from conquered tribes; but, if not, the new occupants could rely for aid of every sort, for social intercourse, and for all the offices of good neighbourhood upon the surrounding proprietors-who were sure to be persons in the same circumstances as themselves, and drauglated from the same legion. For be it remembered, that in the primitive ages of Rome, concerning which it is that we are now speaking, entire legions-privates and officers were transferred in one body to the new colony. “ Antiquitus,” says the learned Goesius, “ deducebantur integræ legiones, quibus parta victoria." Neither was there much waiting for this honorary gift. In later ages, it is true, when such resources were less plentiful, and when regular pay was given to the soldiery, it was the veteran only who obtained this splendid provision ; but in the earlier times, a single fortunate campaign not seldom dismissed the young recruit to a life of ease and honour. “Multis legionibus,” says Hyginus, "contigit bellum feliciter transigere, et ad laboriosam agriculturæ requiem primo tyrocinii gradu pervenire. Nam cum signis et aquilâ et primis ordinibus et tribunis deducebantur.” Tacitus also notices this organization of the early colonies, and adds the reason of it, and its happy effect, when contrasting it with the vicious arrangements of the colonizing system in his own days. “Olim,” says he, “universæ legiones deducebantur cum tribunis et centurionibus, et sui cujusque ordinis militibus, ut consensu et charitate rempublicam efficerent.Secondly, not only were the troops in this way paid at a time when the public purse was unequal to the expenditure of war-but this pay, being contingent on the successful issue of the war, added the strength of self-interest to that of patriotism in stimulating the soldier to extraordinary efforts. Thirdly, not only did the soldier in this way reap his pay, but also he reaped a reward (and that besides a trophy and perpetual monument of his public services) so munificent as to constitute a permanent provision for a family; and accordingly he was now encouraged, nay enjoined, to marry. For here was an hereditary landed estate equal to the liberal maintenance of a family. And thus did a simple people, obeying its instinct of conquest, not only discover, in its earliest days, the subtle principle of Machiavel— Let war support war; but (which is far more than Machiavel's view) they made each present war support many future wars—by making it support a new off-set from the population, bound to the mother city by indissoluble ties of privilege and civic duties ; and in many other ways they made every war, by and through the colonizing system to which it gave occasion, serviceable to future aggrandizement. War, managed in this way, and with these results, became to Rome what commerce or rural industry is to other countries, viz. the only hopeful and general way for making a fortune. Fourthly, by means of colonies it was that Rome delivered herself from her surplus population. Prosperous and well-governed, the Roman citizens of each generation outnumbered those of the gene

been of too slow a growth-too the regular stages of nature herself gradual, and too much according to in its developement, to have any

ration preceding. But the colonies provided outlets for these continual accessions of people, and absorbed them faster than they could arise.* And thus the great original sin of modern states, that heel of Achilles in which they are all vulnerable, and which (generally speaking) becomes more oppressive to the public prosperity as that prosperity happens to be greater (for in poor states, and under despotic governments, this evil does not exist), that flagrant infirmity of our own country, for which no statesman has devised any commensurate remedy, was to ancient Rome a perpetual fountain and well-head of public strength and enlarged resources. With us of modern times, when population greatly outruns the demand for labour, whether it be under the stimulus of upright government, and just laws, justly administered, in combination with the manufacturing system (as in England), or (as in Ireland) under the stimulus of idle habits, cheap subsistence, and a low standard of comfort-we think it much if we can keep down insurrection by the bayonet and the sabre. Lucro ponamus is our cry, if we can effect even thus much ; whereas Rome, in her simplest and pastoral days, converted this menacing danger and standing opprobrium of modern statesmanship to her own immense benefit. Not satisfied merely to have neutralized it, she drew from it the vital resources of her martial aggrandizement. For, Fifthly, these colonies were in two ways made the corner-stones of her martial policy : 1st, They were looked to as nurseries of their armies; during one generation the original colonists, already trained to military habits, were themselves disposable for this purpose on any great emergency; these men transmitted heroic traditious to their posterity; and, at all events, a more robust population was always at hand in agricultural colonies than could be had in the metropolis. Cato the elder, and all the early writers, notice the quality of such levies as being far superior to those drawn from a population of sedentary habits. 2dly, The Italian colonies, one and all, performed the functions which in our day are assigned to garrisoned towns and frontier fortresses. In the earliest times they discharged a still more critical service, by sometimes entirely displacing a hostile population, and more often by dividing it and breaking its unity. In cases of desperate resistance to the Roman arms, marked by frequent infraction of treaties, it was usual to remove the offending population to a safer situation, separated from Rome by the Tiber; sometimes entirely to disperse and scatter it. But, where these extremities were not called for by expediency or the Roman maxims of justice, it was judged sufficient to interpolate, as it were, the hostile people by colonizations from Rome, which were completely organizedt for mutual aid, having officers of all ranks dispersed amongst them, and for overawing the growth of insurrectionary movements amongst their neighbours. Acting on this system, the Roman colonies in some measure resembled the English Pule, as existing at one era in Ireland. This mode of service, it is true, became obsolete in process of time, concurrently with the dangers which it was shaped to meet; for the whole of Italy proper, together with that part of Italy called Cisalpine Gaul, was at length reduced to unity and obedience by the almighty Republic. But in forwarding that great end, and indispensable condition towards all foreign warfare, no one military engine in the whole armoury of Rome availed so much as her Italian colonies. The other use of these colonies, as frontier garrisons, or, at any rate, as interposing between a foreign enemy and the gates of Rome, they continued to perform long after their earlier uses had passed away; and Cicero himself notices their value in this view. “ Colonias," says he [Orat. in Rullum], "sic idoneis in locis contra suspicionem periculi collocârunt, ut esse non oppida Italiæ sed propugnacula imperii viderentur.” Finally, the colonies were the best means of promoting tillage, and the culture of vineyards. And though this service, as regarded the Italian colonies, was greatly defeated in succeeding times by the ruinous largesses of corn [frumentationes], and other vices of the Roman policy after the vast revolution effected by universal luxury, it is not the less true that, left to themselves and their natural tendency, the Roman colonies would bave yielded this last benefit as certainly as any other. Large volumes exist,

* And in this way we must explain the fact-that, in the many successive numerations of the peo. ple continually noticed by Livy and others, we do not find that sort of multiplication which we might have looked for in a state so ably governed. The truth is, that the continual surpluses had been carried off by the colonizing drain, before they could become noticeable or troublesome.

+ That is indeed involved in the technical term of Deductio; for upless the ceremonies, religious and political, of inauguration and organization, were duly complied with, the colony was not entitled to be considered as deducta—that is, solemnly and ceremonially transplanted from the metropolis,

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