were plotting against the peace and union of the states, and held secret correspondence with British agents, for such a purpose. But the charge was as vague as it was unfounded. It was got up, no doubt, for party objects, and in unguarded moments of heated party criminations. When, afterwards, an inquiry was made, both by the state and federal government, no evidence was produced sufficient to raise a suspicion in the mind of any impartial man, that the charge was well founded. The senate of Massachusetts, when the majority was democratic, expressed an opinion entirely exonerating the persons referred to in the idle party charges of the day; and Mr. Madison, president of the United States, when the charge was made to him afterwards, by a foreigner, who was no doubt prompted to make it, from a hope of pecuniary reward, declared that no persons had been named, and that no evidence had been furnished, that any persons in the United States had entered into or countenanced any project of the British for destroying the union, or otherwise inimical to the United States.

Christopher Gore was chosen governor, in 1809; a man of eminent talents, and of great political knowledge. He ranked high, also, as a gentleman of honorable feelings and correct moral principles. Mr. Gore was educated for the law, and was eminent in the profession. Few were more powerful in argument, or more eloquent in debate. He was appointed by Washington, the first federal attorney for Massachusetts; had been employed by government as an agent in England, and was several years a very distinguished member of the general court.

During the year 1809, several companies were formed, in the interior of the commonwealth, for the manufacture of woollen cloths. The business had been prosecuted for a few years, previously, by some enterprising individuals in the western counties. Woollen cloths had been manufactured, to some extent, from the early settlement of Massachusetts; but it was in separate families, and for the use only of those who made it. Many families, before this period, manufactured sufficient for their own consumption; but it was of an ordinary kind; and those, who had means to purchase better, wore that which was imported. The coarse cloths used by seamen, were also brought from England; or the manufacture in the state was not adequate to the necessities of the whole population. During the war of the revolution, a good deal of labor was bestowed on the manufacture of woollens; but after the peace, there were immense importations from England. It was, therefore, a laudable plan, to extend this kind of manufacture. Several

years elapsed, however, before the government gave it direct and proper encouragement. Still some persons had objections to large manufacturing establishments, and others doubted the justice of giving particular encouragement, by the government, to one branch of business more than to another.

The government of the state was administered with great impartiality by Mr. Gore, and his official acts were fully approved, except that the democratic party were opposed to his political views on the leading measures of the general government. He was charged with no intolerance towards the party opposed to him. Yet this magnanimous conduct on his part failed to secure the support of those who had opposed his election. Some change of measures in the general government gave strength to the ranks of his opponents. The embargo law was repealed during the year 1809; for it had become extremely oppressive to those engaged in commercial pursuits, and it was found to have little effect in bringing either England or France to relax in their claims, or to cease their depredations on the commerce of the United States. The complaints of the people increased, and it was difficult to prevent acts of force in resisting the provisions of the laws. Yielding to the general dissatisfaction, the federal administration repealed the acts laying the embargo of December, 1807; and when the immediate cause of their sufferings were removed, a portion of the people who had complained of that measure before it was repealed, gave their support to the friends of the general government. At the election of state officers, in 1810, Mr. Gerry had the majority of votes for governor, and succeeded Mr. Gore as chief inagistrate. This was a severe disappointment to the federal party, which supported Mr. Gore; and matter of triumph to the political friends of Mr. Gerry.

On several former occasions, Mr. Gerry had been the democratic candidate for the office of governor. He had been many years in public life, and was an efficient advocate for the liberty and independence of the country, from the period of 1775. He was a delegate from Massachusetts to the continental congress, in 1776, and subscribed the memorable declaration of independence in that year. He was also a member of the continental convention which framed the constitution of 1787; but did not entirely approve of it. He considered its tendency would be to a consolidated or national government, to the injurious diminution of the rights and power of the separate states. For several years, he was a member of congress, and faithfully supported the interests of the commercial states. In 1799, he was appointed an envoy to the court of France, by President

Adams, with Judge Marshall, of Virginia, and General Pinckney, of South Carolina. His conduct, on that occasion, deprived him of the good opinion of the federal party; and it was generally admitted, that he was not sufficiently decided in his diplomatic intercourse with the French ministers. The defect in the character of Governor Gerry, as a politician, was want of firmness and decision. The charge made against him was, that he changed his views by the adroit management of the agents of France; or that he was vain enough to suppose he could negotiate alone after his colleagues had become convinced that no treaty could be made, consistent with the interests and honor of the United States.

When Mr. Gerry was chosen governor he probably intended, as Governor Sullivan had done, to pursue an impartial course. But those who brought him into the chair urged him on to party measures, and he yielded at last to their entreaties or their threats. Both branches of the legislature, in 1810 and 1811, the two years Mr. Gerry was governor, were democratic; and by joining with the majorities of the two houses, he assisted in carrying into effect several measures, merely for party purposes. The first year, indeed, little was done with this view, which was very grossly intolerant. But his public speech, on his re-election, in 1811, fully indicated a disposition to proscribe all those who did not approve and applaud the policy of the general government, and support the measures of the democratic leaders in the state. He not only expressed his entire approbation of the conduct of President Madison and his cabinet, which was considered equally unfavorable to commerce as that of Mr. Jefferson had been; but he censured, with no little asperity, all opposition to the course of the general government, whether resolves passed at public meetings, or by writings in the newspapers. He denounced all disagreement with the acts of congress, or measures of administration, as a great impropriety, and as tending even to the subversion of the government. The opinions he expressed were entirely in accordance with those of the governors under the kings of England, who always pronounced mere opposition in opinion as of dangerous tendency. But such sentiments were seldom declared by the chief magistrate of a state, except, in a much later period, when the interested supporters of the conduct of administration led them to denounce all such to be enemies of the government, as dared to point out and remonstrate against the exercise of arbitrary power.

To give full effect to the system proposed, the laws were altered, in several instances, so as to give the appointment for

office to the governor and his council, which before was in other hands. A law was made, giving appointments of the clerks of the judicial courts to the governor, which had formerly been the privilege and right of the judges. And the courts of common pleas were organized anew; which gave opportunity for the appointment of the political friends of the doininant party. In some instances, the veteran patriots of the revolution, who had been among the most faithful friends of the country, in the severest trials, were removed from office, to give room for the zealous professors of democracy. And in many cases, faithful and able officers were dismissed, that those distinguished only for party zeal and devotion might be rewarded.

The spirit of party in the state and through the union continued with increasing asperity. The public papers were filled with criminations and recriminations; and there was little prospect of soothing the exasperated feelings of the people. The friends of the general government denounced all who dared complain of its policy; and the federal party censured the national administration in unmeasured terms, as so devoted to France, as to compromit the welfare and honor of the United States. Governor Gerry suffered himself to be carried away by the feelings and prejudices of his party, instead of exerting his official influence to allay the public excitement, as his predecessors had done. In his speech to the general court, in January, 1812, he denounced the federalists, as anti-republican in their principles, and as preferring the monarchy of England to the government of America. His expressions were as harsh as they were undignified. Although there was no proof or appearance of proof, that such a charge was true, it must be supposed, in charity, that some dark surmises had been suggested, or plausible representations made, which led him to fear, that the federal leaders were plotting against the peace of the republic. "Are we not called upon to decide (said he) whether we will commit the liberty and independence of ourselves and posterity to the fidelity and protection of a national administration, at the head of which is a Madison, supported by an executive department, a senate, and house of representatives, abounding with meritorious patriots; or to a British administration, the disciples of Bute, who wished to enslave these states, and to American loyalists, who coöperated with that government to bind us in chains?"

A motion was made in the house of representatives for a committee to inquire what evidence there was of a British party in Massachusetts. The motion was opposed by the politi al friends of the governor ; and no committee was raised, and

no inquiry made on the subject. It better served the purposes of those who made the accusation, to deal in vague charges and suggestions, to excite the prejudices of the people, than to have real facts disclosed, and unjust insinuations disproved, which might allay the popular excitement.

Soon after, the governor directed the attorney general to examine the newspapers published in Boston, and report to him the number of libellous publications which they contained. The attorney general reported two hundred and fifty-two, the greater part of which were in a small obscure paper; but fifty were in the Centinel, thirty-eight in the Gazette, thirty-seven in the Repertory, and eight in the Chronicle. The independent editor of the Centinel publicly called on the attorney general to detect a single libellous expression in his paper, unless the truth were a libel. The governor seemed to be much excited at this time, by the independent manner in which the people inquired into the conduct of public agents, and by the fearlessness with which they censured measures calculated to check the prosperity, and to hazard the peace of the country. He mistook the character of the people. They were fully sensible of their right to discuss the measures of government; and knew their duty too well to omit bearing testimony against misguided councils. In his severe denunciations against popular meetings, and a free declarations of opinion, Mr. Gerry lost the support of moderate men, though he might quicken the zeal of his partisan adherents. And he exposed himself to still greater censure, by interfering with the judicial department. In November preceding, Justice Parker, of the supreme court, stated to the jury what constituted a libel, as several pieces had then recently appeared in the public papers, which were said to be libellous. The remarks of the learned judge were not agreeable to the governor, and he sent for a copy. In reply, the judge expressed his belief that he was not responsible to the governor for his opinions or conduct, and that the judicial department was wholly independent of the executive. He directed the original speech delivered before the grand jury, however, to be forwarded to the governor; conscious it contained no sentiments or remarks which were not legally correct. The conduct of the governor, on this occasion, was generally pronounced highly improper. The executive has no constitutional right to control or direct the judiciary. Another mode was pointed out, for investigating the condnct of a judge. The governor discovered a disposition to interfere both with the prerogatives of the judge and of the jury. He complained of libellous publications, and set the attorney general on the