REV. GEORGE WALKER, GOVERNOR OF LONDONDERRY.

BORN ABOUT A.D. 1617-KILLED A.D. 1691.

THE great struggle to which the events in the preceding memoir may be held as preliminary, was destined to be terminated by a personal conflict between the heads of the adverse interests on the banks of the Boyne; and we preserve the order of events by giving a summary account of them from the landing of James until that decisive fight in the course of the present memoir.

From a small but compendious account written by the Rev. John Graham, we learn the few following particulars respecting the family history of the hero of Londonderry. His father was appointed to a benefice in Derry in 1630, and in a few years after, obtained the rectory of Cappagh in the county of Tyrone; from which he was further preferred to the chancellorship of Armagh. He had a son and a daughter; the son George Walker was "instituted to the rectories of Donaghmore and Erigal Keerogal, in the county of Tyrone," in March, 1662. He was educated in the college of Glasgow.

Of this brave man the history is wrapped in comparative obscurity, until we arrive at the last few glorious and eventful years of his long life, spent, we have every reason to believe, in the strenuous practice of the less ambitious but not less exalted and elevating duties of a christian pastor. Thus presenting an eminent instance of the truth, that those divine precepts and that holy spirit which inculcates and imparts humility and charity, can, when the cause of God and the call of the country demand, send the hero to stand in the breach, and lead soldiers and patriots to their desperate and devoted duty. If it be said in abatement of these reflections, that George Walker was naturally of a busy and ambitious temper, and however noble was his service on that emergent hour of national peril, yet that it was his military taste which spurred him to the honourable post he filled; we must deny the inference: in the following memoir there will be amply found the evidence of a nobler spirit. But there is one preliminary observation which must to all reflecting minds render superfluous all further evidence on this question: when George Walker left his ministerial duties, to take the lead in that dreadful and trying scene of danger and privation, of heroic patience and daring, he was seventy-one years of age. For nearly half a century he had pursued the homely and retired path of a minister of God's word, in a country resounding on every side with the din of arms. In the strength and energy of his fourand-twentieth year he saw the troubles of the great rebellion, when there was every temptation for the enterprising, and when the safest refuge was in arms. But Walker's bold and leading spirit was not either tempted or driven to the field. It was when the sacred ramparts of the protestant church were assailed, that the soldier of Christ stood up in the very path of his duty to lay down his life, if so required, in its defence. It may perhaps be alleged by many a pious christian

Memoir of Walker by the Rev. J. Graham,-1832.

reader, that even in such a case the consecrated teacher of the word of charity should have taken a different course; we are not here concerned to deny the affirmation; Walker may have erred,-we think not; but all that is here required is the inference that his error, if such, had origin in a sense of duty, in a moment so critical and appalling, that it may well have been permitted to the Christian, like Peter, to draw the sword of the flesh, when the enemies of the Lord were come up with swords and staves to do him violence. Rather let the pious Christian believe that the minister of Donaghmore was the approved soldier of Him, to whom victory must be ascribed.

At the breaking out of the contests of this period, the citizens of Derry and the protestants of the north looked with great and declared satisfaction on the protection which they anticipated in the presence of a protestant commander, many of whose soldiers were also protestants. Sir William Stewart, Viscount Mountjoy, had distinguished himself and received two dangerous wounds in fighting in the Imperial service against the Turks, had on his return to Ireland, in 1687, obtained the rank of general of brigade, and, being of Scotch descent, an earnest protestant, and his family connected for nearly half a century with the military government of Derry, his appointment to the military command in Ulster procured the exemption of that province from the general disarming of the protestants which obtained elsewhere in Ireland. Accordingly, when the fearful rumour of an intended massacre of the protestants, prepared in desperation by Tyrconnel, on the success of the landing of William in England becoming known, spread wild and uncontrollable dismay among the defenceless crowd in Leinster and other protestant districts, it only aroused in the north to a firm uncompromising resolution of self-defence. In his first alarm at the state of matters in England, Tyrconnel had determined to reunite all the troops under the command of Mountjoy with its garrison for the defence of Dublin. But on learning the spirit and defensive preparations of Ulster following their removal, he hastily endeavoured to repair the error by placing garrisons anew in the frontier towns, and by directing that a newly raised regiment, entirely composed of papists, under the Earl of Antrim, should take up its quarters in Londonderry, which was at this time filled with refugees apprehensive of the imaginary massacre. These apprehensions now fearfully presented themselves to their minds, and on learning that the dreaded regiment had already reached Newtown-Limavaddy, twelve miles distant, a resolution to resist its entrance began to be diffused among the citizens; and before night a plan had been concerted between Horatio Kennedy, one of the sheriffs, and a few youths of Scottish extraction, ever since commemorated by the honourable appellation of the "Prentice Boys of Derry," for mastering the guard, seizing the keys, raising the drawbridge, and locking the gate at the ferry of the river on the occasion of the regiment approaching next day and attempting to enter the town, which was successfully carried out on Friday the 7th December, 1688. Like the other corporations of Ireland, that of Londonderry had just been arbitrarily remodelled. The magistrates were men of low station and character; among them was only one person of Anglo-Saxon extraction, and he had turned papist. A contemporaneous epic poem in its praise, quoted

by Lord Macaulay, who says its writer had evidently a minute knowledge of the city, runs thus

"For burgesses and freemen they had chose

Brogue-makers, butchers, raps, and such as those;

In all the corporation not a man

Of British parents, except Buchanan."

And this Buchanan is afterwards described as

"A knave all o'er,

For he had learned to tell his beads before."

The bishop, Ezekiel Hopkins, resolutely adhering to the doetrine of nonresistance, which he had preached during many years, had aided with his influence this rabble corporation in counselling submission to the warrant enjoining reception of the soldiery, and in expostulating against the subsequent measures for securing the city, and against inviting to its defence the protestant gentlemen of the neighbouring counties, who promptly responded to the summons, arriving by hundreds on horseback and on foot by various roads. But the daring young Scotchmen who had taken the lead on this occasion, had little respect for his office, and interrupted his oration, remarking that there was then no time but for action. The corporation was substituted by their predecessors in office, and the bishop retired from the city. Tyrconnel, on learning this, was alarmed, and sent Mountjoy back, accompanied by Lieutenant-colonel Lundy with six companies, and with orders to reduce the city. Instead, however, of attacking, Viscount Mountjoy negotiated with the authorities of the city, who had in the interval made preparations for defence, and despatched letters to William and the Irish Society of London imploring aid by a gentleman of reputation called David Cairnes, who, by the weight of his character and representations, had greatly influenced the opinion of the inhabitants, at first doubtful and timid, to follow up the act of the "Prentice Boys" by these measures. This negotiation resulted in the city being allowed to retain its protestant garrison, and the citizens their arms, with assurance of a pardon under the great seal, for the act of resistance, and two sons of Mountjoy remaining as pledges in the city. Phillips, the restored governor, who had succeeded the venerable granduncle, commemorated in these pages,* of Lord Mountjoy, freely resigned his powers to the grandnephew, and the latter entered with spirit into all the wishes of the citizens, and exerted all his talent and skill to secure the defence of the city. Although these proceedings could not fail to attract the jealous attention of Tyrconnel, yet the more dangerous attitude of the protestant party made it imperative to proceed with some caution. Perhaps, as Lord Macaulay thinks, for a moment Tyrconnel really wavered in his hopes. It is certain he opened a communication with the Prince of Orange, and professed himself willing to yield, and that William, advised by his most influential Irish friends in meeting assembled, was induced to send an agent of unquestionable influence, and who undertook to

* Sir Robert Stewart, vol. ii. p. 363.

bring it to a successful issue, to negotiate a capitulation on terms honourable for all, and that should arrest the calamities that seemed to be impending. But before the arrival of this envoy of peace, the hesitation of Tyrconnel, whether genuine or feigned, was at an end. The rumour that the Viceroy was corresponding with the English had set the natives on fire; and the cry of the common people was, that if he dared to sell them for wealth and honours, they would burn the castle and him in it, and would put themselves under the protection of France. Tyrconnel now protested that he had pretended to negotiate only for the purpose of gaining time. Yet before he declared openly what must be a war to the death against the English settlers, and against England herself, he was at considerable loss how to rid himself of Mountjoy, who, although true to the cause of James up till now, would, it was well known, never be a consenting party to the spoliation and murder of the colonists. The wonderful dexterity of the man, however, suggested to him the plan referred to at the close of the preceding memoir, by which he might at one and the same time thoroughly deceive the Irish protestants, and remove out of the way a commander whom he could not trust, until he had matured his arrangements to hand over Ireland to James and Romanism. A double-tongued embassy to the late King of England warned him by the mouth of one ambassador, of the foolishness and hopelessness of further attempt to recover possession of Ireland, and counselled submission to its occupation by England. The tongue that spoke this message was Lord Mountjoy's, and its voice chiming with his own convictions he believed it sincere. Another ambassador accompanied him whose mouth told a different tale, more truly sincere because more true.

Before leaving for Paris, Lord Mountjoy sent a statement of the considerations which induced the act to his friends in the north, enclosing copy of stipulations which Tyrconnel had passed his word of honour to observe, to the effect that no change in the statu quo should take place in Ulster during his absence in matters military or civil; stipulations which the latter did not and never meant to observe. On his arrival at Paris, Viscount Mountjoy was immediately imprisoned by the French authorities at the solicitation of James, and shut up in the Bastile, where he remained upwards of four years. It was unfortunate for the protestants of Derry, that, in accepting this mission, Mountjoy left Lieutenant-colonel Lundy in command of that city, a man either entirely devoted to the cause of James, or, as Lord Macaulay suggests, so faint-hearted and poor in spirit as to have given up all thought of serious resistance when, some time after, an Irish army was despatched by Tyrconnel under the command of Richard Hamilton, a double traitor to his friends and to his military parole of honour, in order to subjugate the north before aid could arrive from England. As soon as the two envoys had departed, Tyrconnel set himself to prepare for the conflict, which had become inevitable. The whole Irish nation was called to arms, and the call was obeyed with strange promptitude and enthusiasm. The flag on the castle of Dublin was embroidered with the words "NOW OR NEVER: NOW AND FOR EVER:"

* See page 423.

428

and these words resounded through the whole island. rope," says Lord Macaulay, "has there been such a rising up of a whole "Never in Eupeople. The peasantry had during three years been exasperated by the application of religious and patriotic stimulants. The priests, most of whom belonged to the old families which had been ruined by the Act of Settlement, but which were still revered by the native population, charged every Catholic to show his zeal for his church by providing weapons. The army, which under Ormonde had only consisted of eight regiments, was now increased to forty-eight; and the ranks were soon filled to overflowing." No man dared to present himself at mass without a weapon of some kind or other. A day was fixed on which every protestant was required to bring every sword or gun to the parish church, and the house in which, after that day, any weapon was found, being inhabited by a protestant, was given to be sacked by the soldiery. Then came a destruction of property as reckless as the world ever saw. During the few weeks of Lent, the French ambassador reported to his master 50,000 horned cattle, and, popular report added, 4 to 500,000 sheep, uselessly butchered, were rotting on the ground all over the country. It was utterly impossible for the English settlers to resist an outbreak so terrible as this. Every place in the south in which they had mustered for common defence fell into the hands of the papists. The fastnesses of the gentry were either given up, or burned by the owners, who, with such valuables as they could carry, set out, armed and mounted, for the secured spots in Ulster.

We shall now proceed directly with the train of circumstances more immediately belonging to the siege of Derry. The northern protestants having generally agreed in the determination to stand up in their own defence, directions were circulated among the most influential or competent persons for the steps which appeared most immediately desirable for such a purpose. Among others, Walker received at his rectory of Donaghmore some communications urging the necessity of securing Dungannon. He acted promptly upon the suggestion, and at once raised a regiment for the purpose. He considered the neces sity of preserving this communication between that town and Londonderry, to which city he repaired, for the purpose of consulting with Lundy who then commanded there. Lundy seemed at first to enter into the spirit of the country, and without the brave rector of Donaghmore, and sent some companies to any hesitation agreed with strengthen Dungannon. Two days after, however, orders were sent from Lundy to break up the garrison at Dungannon. We only mention these incidents as plainly manifesting the temper and spirit which governed Lundy's actions, and appeared more decidedly in the course of events.

On the 20th March, captain James Hamilton arrived from England with 680 barrels of powder, and arms for 2000 men. Lundy the king's and queen's commission as governor of the town, with He brought to instructions for swearing into office the different civil and military officers, and promises of speedy assistance. The king and queen were then proclaimed in the city. The remainder of the month and the beginning of April were spent in active preparations for an expected siege. It was on the 13th of April that Mr Walker received accounts