the Scottish party in England. It is yet to be recorded, that numbers were saved by their courage, and found refuge in the towns. Unhappily, as has happened in later times, the crimes of one party brought on in the natural course the not less criminal retaliations of the opposite. In some months after these atrocities had commenced, and while yet at their height, the example was too faithfully followed at Newry, where as little mercy was shown by the Scottish troops to the helpless crowd who surrendered there.

In feeling compelled to make these passing statements required by the connection of our summary, we at the same time would willingly spare the language of party recrimination. It is not easy to exclude from the memory some sense of the old national animosities of sect or party, which never have been yet allowed to rest in the grave of the O'Neils and O'Mores of that dark day, and have often since called up the same sanguinary Spirits to revisit the scene of their old atrocities. But the impartial historian, however he may feel in duty, and in regard to truth and justice, bound to vindicate the right, and to condemn where condemnation is due, will recollect the state of those dark times which gave a fatal concentration to the prejudices and resentments which belong to unenlightened humanity, and which, even in our own age of comparative civilization, can hardly be restrained from similar excesses; for this, we need hardly recall the Bridge of Wexford or Shruel, or the fires of Scullabogue. The same deeds which are the disgrace and shameful boast of our Celtic sires, have been designed by the living representatives of the brave Maguires and Sir Phelims of 1641. The wisdom of government, and still more, the admirable conduct, spirit, and judicial firmness and ability of the illustrious men who sit on the Irish bench, have under Providence saved the country from an attempted renewal of scenes which are never likely to be out of date.* But we are compelled to hasten on. The effects of the Irish Rebellion were destined to advance the proceedings and materially decide the results of the civil wars on the other side of the channel,-by which they were prolonged and finally doomed to meet a rude termination. They presently afforded the pretext for extensive levies of troops and money for their suppression, but to be employed to strengthen the parliamentary cause, and to reduce the power with the resources of King Charles.

*To the Irish peasantry of this generation, there is due a debt of justice. The accelerated progress of art, commercial and general knowledge in the 19th century, has not advanced without diffusing a large impulse and portion of its light amongst them. The peasantry have by slow degrees been acquiring not only much of the externals of civilization-dress, manner, and the English language-but with those apparent advantages, a truer sense of their real interests, and of the retarding influence of their old barbarous prejudices and superstitious delusions. These happier changes are due in the greatest measure to a cause not yet fairly acknowledged the earnest and self-devoted labours, for the last 40 years, of the Protestant clergy, who have of late been falsely taunted with the little progress in conversions which they are said to have made in the south and west. But a silent and unobserved result has followed on their labours, of which we may hereafter have occasion to notice the details. The character of Popery itself has been imperceptibly changed by an infusion of scriptural light, which, like the first grey dawn of twilight on our western hills, has awakened numbers of those who call themselves Catholics to Christian convictions. And while the grosser errors of the ultramontanism have been fast sinking down among the dregs of older ignorance, even their very priesthood have been compelled to recognise and conform to the change.

The first great change caused in the aspect of affairs, was the extension to Ireland of the main struggle between the king and the parliament; in such a manner, that the Rebellion in that country seemed for a season to acquire the character with the pretensions and forms of loyalty. An assembly was held in Kilkenny, in which the Royal authority was formally professed in connection with the interests of the chief rebel leaders, and under the insane guidance of the papal Nuncio Rinuncini. Considerable supplies and a considerable body of Irish soldiers were obtained for foreign service, and the royal cause was not ineffectively contested for a time; but not without a more real and sincere view to the objects of the papal see and leaders of the rebel faction, thus forwarded under cover of loyalty. This confusion of purpose, and the internal dissensions thus prevailing, were very considerable; and it was not long before the Marquis of Ormonde and other genuine supporters of the royal cause, discovered that they were surrounded by hollow and traitorous profession, and felt compelled to withdraw from the party which was only willing to use and betray them. With the decline of the royal cause the contest assumed a character less equivocal; and a long season of factious contention followed, when the reins of government dropped from every hand. The nominal peace of 1646, concluded in the king's name, was rendered abortive by the parliamentarian partizans, and by the Nuncio, who went beyond his commission in violence. He was backed in his opposition to peace by a strong party under Owen O'Neil, and became for some time the prominent authority in Ireland. By the success of O'Neil in a recent battle, this monk was enabled to exercise civil jurisdiction, displacing magistrates and public officers who refused submission to his orders. He excommunicated the commissioners at Waterford, and all who had any part in the peace. He, however, committed the oversight of an exceptional proviso in favour of loyalty, for which he received a reproof from Rome, by which he was instructed that the "Holy See" would never consent to approve the civil allegiance of Catholic subjects to a "heretical prince."

The main object of Rinuncini was the possession of Dublin, and there to fix himself as governor. His intemperate violence soon caused dissension among his faction-O'Neil and Preston, his chief supporters, began to regard each other with suppressed animosity. O'Neil was earnestly devoted to the Nuncio's main commission to establish the papal sovereignty in the country. It soon began, in the course of the following year, to be more truly apprehended that the event of the contest was not likely to be in favour of Pope or king, and it became generally felt that the will of the parliament must decide the fate of all the factions. The wretched and mischievous monk was, with some difficulty, awakened from his crazed dream of exaltation, and persuaded to quit the country. A more formidable intruder was in preparation to appear upon the scene, and crush the factious parties which so long contended for pre-eminence, into terrified repose.

On the 15th of August, 1649, Cromwell landed with 12,000 men, of whom 4,000 were cavalry; and a large train of artillery. He first visited Dublin, where he settled the government under Colonel Jones; and from thence marched to Drogheda with 10,000 men.-On the 10th of the following month, the city had been well garrisoned and fortified,

and its defence was looked forward to with sanguine expectation, by the leaders of the Royal party; without, perhaps, sufficiently taking into calculation the composition of their garrison. Such hopes were doomed to disappointment. Cromwell battered the walls by a fire kept up for two days, and having obtained a wide practicable breach, found no resistance from within. What followed has been the subject of much unqualified animadversion, and the doubtful defence of a political and military expediency. The historian, whatever may be his creed or party, must shrink from any attempt to extenuate a cruelty so irrespective as to the victims, however beneficial or even necessary the proposed result. But though we cannot defend the massacre of a garrison which had laid down its arms, or of citizens who were innocent of resistance, it is fair that Cromwell should have the benefit of such motives and expediencies as have been urged in palliation of a proceeding as inexcusable by the laws of war as by those of humanity. Ten years of sanguinary faction, all through signalized by deeds of unredeemed atrocity, were likely to convey the impression that peaceful settlement must be hopeless, and that mercy could only result in the renewal of the same persistent and incorrigible course of murder and rapine. To arrest this by the only available expedient, however desperate, might seem not altogether inexcusable. Many cities were to be stormed, and the whole land must be washed in its blood, if it were to be subdued by force of arms. Terror was had recourse to, to obviate this terrible necessity, by a warrior hardened to the milder feeling of humanity in the long and rough training of cruel civil war. Cromwell's hard sagacity apprehended the consequence which followed-a consequence as merciful and politic as the means were inhuman and bloody. But it is also not less probable, though hardly more to be excused, that Cromwell was at the time much actuated by a resentful sense of the still more atrocious persecutions then at their height in Savoy and other lands of Europe in the same cause; by the authority or influence of the Pope, and the fanatic princes who massacred whole peaceful settlements and communities in his But we have been led farther than our design. To judge of men with perfect justice, it is fair to look back into the temper and condition of the times in which they acted. In that agitated period, a vindictive spirit and a spirit of terror breathed in the air of life. Persecution, conspiracy, and the aspect of change and revolution occupied and disquieted the mind of all. Strong hearts were strung to meet the emergencies by which the time or their position was surrounded, with a temper which silenced, at moments of trial, much of the affections which prevailed in the calm of peaceful times.

name.

The end was as was expected. It is needless in this summary to accompany Cromwell in his rapid and decisive progress. He was called to England by the not less unsettled condition of affairs there; and left to Ireton the prosecution and final settlement of his campaign. His departure was the signal for the revival of the disorderly scenes of tumultuary conflict between the same old confederate factions composed of Irish chiefs and popish agitators-and loyalists now without more than the shadow of a cause or a name. The principal events of this interval will have to be noticed in our memoir of the Duke of Ormonde, the chief name of this transitionary period; and if virtue and goodness be

counted essential elements of greatness, well entitled to be esteemed the great man of his time.

The accession of Charles II., in 1660, excited many expectations and fears through both kingdoms, and several measures were adopted, which gave cause for satisfaction and discontent, so as to leave the different factions and parties eventually as they had been. The king had been served by many in his distresses, and came to the throne encumbered by promises, most of which he could not easily, and was not very intent to fulfil. Something was manifestly to be done for the security of his reign, and to quiet the more exacting of the strongest factions. The leanings of the king were to popery, but he was in the hands of the protestants, and more especially of the Puritan party.

It was in this position that a policy of compromise was found necessary. All parties were animated by mutual dislike, suspicion, and jealousy. All desired restoration to real or supposed rights, or to earned rewards. Many were emboldened to seize their former estates, and local contests followed which filled the country with fresh disorders, such as to create alarm and favour complaints of interested parties transmitted to the government; all seemed as the beginning of a new Rebellion. The Act of Indemnity then in preparation, was thus on the point of being rendered one of spoliation against all the old English proprietors. A proclamation against Irish rebels was published, and an Irish parliament proposed, for the security of the interests assumed to be endangered. This the king saw reason to postpone, in order to be first enabled to study at leisure how best to extricate himself from the embarrassment of conflicting rights, and arrive at some effective settlement.

This design was in no long time initiated by a declaration publish ing the plan of a settlement, including several arrangements to establish the rights and claims of all parties, on principles of justice, and of their respective claims. These proposed settlements, as stated by Carte, whom we cannot afford to follow, appear strictly according to the equitable claims of the parties. Old possessions not determined by lawful forfeiture for rebellion were confirmed, as also those grants which had been the recompence of service-some too of forfeitures which were relinquished; and from some provision was made for innocent Papists; while several classes of persons implicated in rebellions specifically described by date, were excluded. It may be needless to say that suspicion and discontent soon appeared to be the more prominent effects of the proposed settlement. An Irish parliament was called, in 1661, to give it the sanction of law, and a commission was appointed for its execution. In this, all the difficulties, which must be conjectured by any one who may have followed the preceding outline, ensued. Though the rights of many were established or secured, many just claims were doomed to defeat, by intrigue and by stretches of power, and also by entanglements arising out of previous settlement; as also, further, by the entire deficiency of lands to meet many claims,—thus leaving a wide scope for litigation and complaint to go into the sum of indigenous disorder and sectarian animosity.

Of these the rough and troubled succession presents little variety, and still less of necessary connection with the succession of historical events. The most notice ble character of the opening of James's ac

cession, is the repeal and resumption of whatever was done by his predecessor to correct or amend former abuses, or to reconcile old enmities. Feebleness and tyranny were unhappily united in the temper of the last of the Stuart kings. His accession was greeted by the triumphant exultation of the popish faction in both kingdoms. The wavering policy of Charles long continued to keep up an intense excitement in the Romish party in Ireland, who (not quite erroneously), considered him as favourable to their church, and looked to the prospect of a future intervention in their favour. The open adhesion of his brother seemed to confirm their hopes, and gave fuel to the fire of insurrection. James had for many years wholly devoted himself to the Romish faith, and with his brother, Charles, secretly cherished the design for its re-establishment in Ireland. This design was now openly avowed. Many of the best-known pages of English history tell of his conduct to advance this scheme, and of the results, fatal to his reign and to his race.

His accession was the signal for exultation among his popish subjects in Ireland, and for a considerable exchange of the feelings of either faction. The subdued and broken spirit of repressed disaffection caught once more a gleam of rabble patriotism, and prepared to seize the homes and altars of their Norman lords: these, on their part, shrunk from outrage and prepared for defence.

CHAPTER III.

James II.-Derry-William III.-Battle of the Boyne-Sieges of Athlone-AughrimLimerick-Final Siege and Capitulation.

The accession of James II. was the consistent winding up of the general policy of the Stuart line. Despotism, maintained on the fallacious maxim of the " divine right" of kings, falsely interpreted, was eventually to lead on the true and final establishment of British freedom on its constitutional basis. With the civil wars, suppressed by the iron hand and genius of Cromwell, were swept away the formal and legal pretexts of arbitrary power: but they were still in a manner invested with the sanctions of custom, and rendered venerable by tradition. The Restoration insensibly revived many an old prejudice, which there was little in the comparatively lax tyranny of the royal voluptuary to render hateful. Charles was too sagacious, and too regardless of all that did not interfere with his private pleasure, to risk any decisive course which was likely to give public offence. Unlike his brother, he was not likely to be betrayed into peril by the errors of superstition. In common with James, he had long secretly given his allegiance to the Roman See; and they had concerted the means to steal in the authority and profession of the Popish church into Ireland, where it seemed least likely to meet effectual opposition.

The accession of James gave a strong impulse to his popish subjects,