PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE "IRISH REBELLION." CHAPTER I. National indignation on the removal of Lord Fitzwilliam Ir is not my present intention to enter into a minute detail of the rise and progress of the United Irish Societies. The political measures connected with those societies, and the eventful consequences which followed their suppression, have long been before the public eye, and form a leading feature in Irish history for the last thirty years. My object is chiefly the recital of those occurrences which I myself have witnessed; and though they may not perhaps appear important in the detail, they are connected with a period the most eventful in the annals of my B country, and which a life, chequered with a variety of fortune, has afforded me but too many opportunities of recording. Prior to Lord Fitzwilliam's appointment to the government of Ireland in 1795, the United Irish Societies, though progressive, had been slow in march, and comparatively limited in numbers; but on the removal of that popular viceroy, and the nomination of Lord Camden as his successor, the system immediately assumed a more general and imposing appearance. The wise and conciliatory measures of Lord Fitzwilliam, and the character of the men who were associated with him in office, had tended to raise hopes and confidence in the Irish mind, which, elevated to the highest point of expectancy, was as rapidly depressed by his recal; and, generally speaking, every county, city, and town in Ireland, expressed in public meeting, and in the undisguised language of the heart, the most poignant regret at the removal of the one viceroy, and the most gloomy forebodings on the appointment of the other.* * " March 28th.-This day was observed as a day of national mourning by the inhabitants of this town (Belfast), on account of Lord Fitzwilliam's departure. There was not a shop or counting-house open during the whole day; all was one scene of sullen indignation." NORTHERN STAR, I was present at a meeting of the freeholders of Antrim, convened on this occasion. It was one of the most imposing scenes ever witnessed in our county. Presbyterian, Catholic, and Protestant, all felt alike interested in the approaching fate of their country, and all were equally indignant at the national insult which had been offered. One feeling pervaded the whole assembly: it was a feeling of sorrow and deep indignation. The judges of assize had opened their commission at Carrickfergus, and were proceeding on the business of the county when the meeting of the freeholders was announced. In a moment the court-house was deserted; the entire grand jury quitted their chamber, and proceeded in a body to join the freeholders, and unite with their countrymen in a manly and dignified expression of national feeling. Such was the general sentiment expressed throughout Ireland on this occasion. I have selected the eloquent and energetic reply of Mr. Grattan to the address of the Catholics of Dublin, presented to him on the 14th of March, 1795, which excited a considerable sensation at that period: “In supporting you," said Mr. Grattan, “I support the Protestant: we have but one inter est and one honour; and whoever gives privileges to you, gives vigour to all. The Protestant already begins to perceive it; a late attack has rallied the scattered spirits of the country from the folly of religious schism to the recollection of national honour, and a nation's feuds are lost in a nation's resentment. Your emancipation will pass :-rely on it your emancipation must pass. It may be death to one viceroy -it will be the peace-offering of another; and the laurel may be torn from the dead brow of one governor, to be craftily converted into the olive of his successor. "Let me advise you by no means to postpone the consideration of your fortunes till after the war rather let Britain receive the benefit of your zeal during the exigency which demands it; and you yourselves, while you are fighting to preserve the blessings of a constitution, have really and bona fide those blessings. My wish is that you should be free now; there is no other policy which is not low and little. Let us at once instantly embrace, and greatly emancipate. On this principle I mean to introduce your Bill, with your permission, immediately after the recess. "You are pleased to speak of the confidence and power with which, for a moment, I was |