CALIFORNIA

THE GERMAN COLONIES :

What is to Become of Them?

P

AN-GERMANS who feel absolutely sure of vic

tory-in the absence of such a conviction the projects of annexing Antwerp, the Briey basin, etc., would be paradoxical-will not even discuss the question of whether the German colonies should be restored to their pre-war possessors.

A large section of the public regards their restitution as reasonable enough. It is admitted that a prolific country like Germany needs colonial possessions to take her surplus population; and, as nobody dreams of stifling the German people when it has received its punishment, or of forbidding it to resume a normal and healthy existence, it is expected generally that the future peace treaty will include a clause exchanging the captured German colonies for AlsaceLorraine or the freedom of Belgium. This is the normal view, seldom discussed, and never opposed.

However, the problem is far less simple than it appears on the surface. In the first place, we no longer live in the times of Ruy Blas, when "niggers were a kind of merchandise to be bartered for "arsenic " without the least consideration for the

niggers' views on the matter; in the second, the opinions of the British Colonies, Dominions, Commonwealths and Federations, whose armies conquered the colonies in question, cannot be disregarded.

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A short examination of the story of the German colonies, of their significance and administration, will bring one to the conclusion that the restoration of her colonies to Germany is neither necessary nor desirable. The documents dealing with the matter should be laid in their entirety before the plenipotentiaries who arrange the peace treaty. Meanwhile, we will content ourselves by drawing attention to their outstanding points.

I.

It is a mistake to regard the German colonies as colonised by a surplus of population. There are more Germans in Paris than in all the German colonies put together. According to statistics given in the Almanach de Gotha for the years 1907-1911, all German emigrants went to North or South America or to Australia to settle. Hardly a couple of dozen made for Africa.

A column devoted to Asia does not appear in this table, which sums up the movements of German emigration; because, as a matter of fact, the Almanach de Gotha records only a single solitary emigrant to Asia -in 1908!

If we now turn to the page of this same Almanach de Gotha which deals with German colonies, we find that in an area of 2,913,500 square kilometres, containing 15,651,600 natives, there were only 25,560 whites all told—and those not all definitely Germans

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say, the population of Mostaganem or Chandernagorę, within a hundred or two.

The contention that Germany needs her colonies as an outlet for her surplus population is, then, merely bluff. In five years 125,000 emigrants left Germany; 150 of the lot settled in German Africa! There is nothing to be astonished at in this. German colonial theories have never-except possibly in the beginning of things—regarded the German colonies as anything but reservoirs of raw materials which can be exploited more cheaply on German territory than they can be purchased from a neighbour or a neighbour's colonies.

In a pamphlet which appeared in 1912 under the title Deutsche Weltpolitik und kein Krieg (Germany's World-Policy and No War) and was noticed by Prof. Hans Delbrück in the Preussische Jahrbücher and by Maximilian Harden in the Zukunft, we find the naïve avowal that Germany has no need of colonies or outlets for population, since she has no men to send them, is far less densely populated than Belgium or England, and requires all the labour she can get. (The millions of men killed or crippled in the war have left gaps which it will take several generations to fill.) Therefore the colonies are only strategical points on the world's trade routes; granaries and mines for supplying Germany; centres of business activity in general.

The

The question of handing back the German colonies is greatly complicated by this brutal and essentially German mode of reducing the civilising mission of colonial activity to a merely military or economic level, and to the intensive exploitation of exotic wealth. same also explains the ferocious attitude of German administrators and colonists towards native populations. Never have unfortunate, defenceless human beings been so systematically oppressed, squeezed and

massacred as those who, as we are told, have had to work for nothing and for the King of Prussia-two expressions which the nations of the world have long regarded as meaning the same thing.

This régime had finally revolted even some of the Germans themselves. On March 7, 1914, Deputy Dittmann exclaimed in the Reichstag: "What we Social-Democrats have always prophesied would happen, will happen: the total extinction of the natives in our colonies. The few whites there are like vampires fastened on their necks, sucking their blood from their veins, and the marrow from their bones. Simultaneously with this hateful decimation of the natives we see the expansion of so-called capitalist Kultur,' and without a renewal of the wholesale massacres of the Herrero War, or of the horrors committed by Peters, Leist, Arenberg, or those other nigger-drivers who are a disgrace to kultur, the native population of our colonies is disappearing rapidly under the German capitalist régime."

German statistics themselves bear out these words of Dittmann in the Reichstag. In 1894 there were 2,500,000 natives in Togoland; in 1914 only 1,032,000 were left. The Turks, Germany's allies, hardly did better in Armenia in a shorter time. During the Herrero War (1904-1905) 40,000 natives perished; and by 1911 a population estimated originally at 300,000 had been reduced to 140,000.

The names of Peters, Leist and Arenberg mentioned by Deputy Dittmann are those of German officials of high standing, whose hateful and disgraceful behaviour is notorious. Not only was the most repulsive of them, Doctor Karl Peters, a proved murderer, championed by General von Liebert, a member of the Reichstag, President of the Anti-Socialist League and a political friend of Prince Bülow, who wrote, "Little can be

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done in Africa without resource to cruelty "; but the Emperor rehabilitated this assassin, whom the Germans styled a superman "(uebermensch), and as a finishing touch his statue by the German sculptor, Karl Moebius, was to be sent to Dar-es-Salaam in August, 1914. So one need not be surprised by the happenings at Dinant and Louvain and by all the atrocities which the German Army has committed since the outbreak of the war. The consistent doctrine-the rule of brute force and the complete exploitation of the weaker party —is revealed in these most recent pages of German imperialism. The generals of 1914 observed in Belgium and France what the German High Commissioners in Africa, long before the European war broke out, made their normal procedure with the knowledge and approval of the Berlin Government.

The reports issued by the Commission of Enquiry into the atrocities in Belgium and France have horrified many people. I know Scandinavians who still hesitate to credit the awful details. If those reports have reached Dar-es-Salaam, Windhoek, Buea, Lomé and the British, French and Portuguese colonies adjacent to the German, the evidence collected has certainly been accepted on sight as betokening a reenactment on European soil of a tragedy that is only too common in Africa.

Prussian brutality has experienced little trouble in finding men ready to carry out the work of oppression and slaughter. The Prussian instinct is suited to the task; freedom of action has given full scope to its innate cruelty. The Germans have behaved in their colonies as if they were in conquered countries, wherein one never moves without a revolver. Their object being not to conciliate the natives, but to exploit them and make themselves feared, they have maintained a continuous state of war, the only one in which they feel really comfortable.