remaining in the capital; upwards of two hundred families had applied for passports for France. The beloved Monarch himself was rusticating at one of his country seats, meditating an act of amnesty, which is to be promulgated in the Greek Kalends. He seems, however, rigidly to adhere to his professed determination of not acknowledging the Constitutional loans, and as it is likely to ruin a great many people, there is every probability that he will maintain it. There is in the Royal Treasury such à want of money, that every day brings forth some fresh report of a new Royalist Loan, but we should imagine few will be found to give a state new credit in the face of its avowed intention of not paying its old debts. This is certainly little encouragement to a lender.

The Greeks are going on as favourably as the friends of freedom could wish. The fortress of Coron has fallen into their hands, and those dissensions which had operated against their cause are fast subsiding. An agent from this country has just departed to them with a supply of 40,000. The Porte, it is said, is highly indignant at our declaration of war at this moment against Algiers, supposing that it will impede the Turkish operations against Greece. There is also a rumour, that the negotiations between that power and Russia have lately met with unexpected obstacles, and that the Porte is endeavouring to evade fulfilling its agreement with respect to Moldavia and Wallachia; we hope sincerely this may be the case, as it will prove highly advantageous to the Greeks; the statement rests, however, merely on rumour, and is of such obvious impolicy on the part of Turkey, that it is very improbable. It is also said, that the Holy Allies, seeing every reason now to suppose that the Greeks will be successful, and fearing the erection of a Republic in their neighbour hood, are inclined to found a liberal Monarchy in that country! The Emperor Alexander is supposed to wish for the restoration of the exiled family to the throne of Sweden, and the transfer of Charles John to that of Greece. Some such arrangement is not improbable.

Even of the proceedings in Parliament, the Easter recess, one of unusually long duration, has left us a deficiency. The principal debates in the House of Commons have been upon the Alien bill, which, after much spirited discussion, has passed through that assembly. The arguments upon which ministers founded their proposal of this certainly unpopular measure, were detailed in the speeches of Mr. Canning and Mr. Peel. It was contended by them, that it never had been the policy of this country to offer an indiscriminate residence to foreigners, and a reference was made to certain measures of Henry VIII and Elizabeth. (Not times certainly which we should ever wish to see drawn into a prece

dent on the score of political or popular freedom.) During the last ten years only 17 persons had been sent out of this country and not one at the request of any foreign power; a free ingress was allowed to foreigners, and the number resident had increased from 24,000 in 1821, to 26,500 in 1824. It was also contended that the principle of giving the government a controul over aliens more rigorous than over native subjects, was not only just and necessary, but recognized by all states, ancient and modern, from the highest despotism down to the most excessive democracy. Without an Alien bill, it would be impossible for England to maintain her neutrality; she would, in fact, place herself at the head of all the discontented in Europe, or, still worse, would become the arena for every party, liberal and despotic. If this bill and the foreign en listment bill were once got rid of, there was but little doubt that, on Ferdinand's showing a little strength, we should soon see him aided by the Capitalists of this country, fitting out in our own ports an expedition to crush the rising liberties of South America. The home minister added, that from the inquiries which his official situation enabled him to make, he was convinced, if this measure was withdrawn, that within three months parliament would not only regret it, but feel compelled to resort to another equally summary, and perhaps more severe. In proof of the extreme mildness with which ministers exercised their power, Mr. Canning stated, that within the last fortnight he had discovered a plot carrying on by some aliens here, with means no way contemptible, likely to prove very injurious to their native country. Ministe s sent for the principal mover, acquainted him with the discovery, and he admitted its truth. They merely warned him to be more careful in future, and sent an account of the plot to the government, carefully concealing the names of the parties. This occurrence took place when they were deliberating on the subject of the continuance of the bill, and it determined them. It was, however, the intention of government to let it expire at the end of two years, and then to propose a more permanent measure, and one more favourable to foreigners. Even at present it was intended in some degree to relieve them, by exempting all foreigners who had resided in this country for the last seven years, from the operation of the bill; this it was calculated would include at least 10,000 persons.

These arguments were met by the opponents of the measure with a declaration that if ministers took any credit to themselves for permitting the ingress of foreigners into England, they must be contented to share it with the Emperor of Morocco, who had offered an asylum to those Spa niards who were ordered to quit Gibraltar

within four days. If the arguments for the continuance of the bill were valid, the very same would hold good for its permanency, at least, until the demon of revolution was laid in the Red Sea. Arguments of the same kind had been used in 1802, 1814, 1816, 1818, and 1820, by Lord Londonderry, who said the elements of revolution were still at work on the Continent, and such arguments would never be wanting so long as ministers chose to use them. The fact was, the members of the Holy Alliance looked upon this bill as part and parcel of their own bad system, and its enactment rendered England the ally of that band of conspirators against the liberties of the world. When it was asked whether aliens were to be permitted to plot here against their own government, the answer was, Yes certainly, and much more danger was there from the plots forming by powerful tyrants against their people, than by poor defence. less refugees against those tyrants. If, however, ministers really intended the prevention of such plots, they would have made them the subject of a penal enactment, and not have required an arbitrary power, so that, in fact, such an argument was merely a pretence. The conduct of ministers in the recently discovered conspiracy required and met no aid from the alien act, and might have been the same even though that act never had existence. Mr. Denman, whose opposition to this measure has been uniform and ardent, proposed ineffectually various clauses to mitigate its severity or restrict the time of its operation. He alluded indignantly to the treatment which some of the faithful followers of Napoleon had met from the government of this country, and said, that such a bill went only to multiply such acts of abuse and oppression. The learned gentleman paid a high compliment, however, to the Foreign Secretary, for the liberal opinions which he had expressed in that house on the subject of Sir Robert Wilson, observing that of all the liberal opinions and enlightened views which he had as yet avowed, there were none which had made him (Mr. Canning) so entirely popular as the language which he had thus uttered-so honourable to the object to which he applied it, so much more honourable to himself" (in this sentiment the house appeared fully to concur, and indeed, they but echo on this occasion the general voice of the country.) The bill was then read a third time, and passed by large majorities on every division.

On the motion of Sir John Newport, an address was voted to the King, praying that he would be pleased to appoint commissioners to inquire into the nature and extent of the instruction afforded by the institutions for education in Ireland. This motion was not opposed by government, so that there is little doubt a commission will now be issued on this important subject.

Mr. Peel pledged himself that the government would, in the selection of its memhers, seek no other object than that of giving the greatest efficacy to the commission, and satisfying the desires of the house for the improvement of the people of Ireland. Various opinions were expressed in the course of the debate, as to the necessity of extending the benefits of education in that country in such a way as would least interfere with the religious opinions of the people. Mr. J. Smith very truly, and very forcibly declared that "England could not go on long without a more intimate union with Ireland, and government must first give its inhabitants the means of education, then the means of employment, and lastly, a participation in the privileges of the Constitution." There cannot certainly be the least doubt, that the first step must be to unbrutify the people; at present they are as totally unfit for freedom, as a human eye would be for the full glare of the sun, immediately after the removal of a cataract; their minds must be gradually prepared for it.

In consequence of some highly disgraceful acts in Ireland, to which it is not necessary here to do more than allude, Mr. Plunket has brought in a bill for the regulation of Irish Roman Catholic burials. As the law now stood, the protestant clergyman was bound to perform the act of burial himself. The present act was intended to repeal that law, and to secure to dissenters of all denominations the right of interment according to their own forms and ceremonies. His proposed act was, in fact, a charter of toleration. By its provisions, the protestant clergyman was to be applied to; if he thought proper to refuse permission, he was bound to state in writing to the applicant the cause of his refusal, and forthwith to certify the same to his Ordinary or the Bishop of his diocese, who forwarded it again without delay to the Lord Lieutenant or government of the country. Thus, there could be no reason to apprehend refusal on the existing groundthat of difference of religion; and still less any danger of a frivolous objection, because it would be known that that objection was at once to go before authority. This bill has since passed through the House of Commons; but it appears very little likely to give satisfaction to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, if we may judge from some proceedings on the subject in that country, and from a petition signed by two respectable Catholic gentlemen now in London, and presented to the house by Mr. Hutchinson. The petition declares that "though the principle of toleration is distinctly recognized in the terms of the bill, nevertheless, its provisions not only render such principle inoperative, but introduce new enactments more intolerable and obnoxious than those which they affect to remedy; that the operation of the bill would be to

excite the clergy of the established church to the exercise of an odious jurisdiction-to taunt the great body of the people of Ireland, both lay and ecclesiastical, upon the degradation to which the law proscribes them, on account of their professing the Roman Catholic faith-to produce constant and immediate collision between the clergy of the different communions-and to increase that spirit of disunion and discontent already so perniciously prevalent in Ireland." Upon this petition, it is none of our duty to offer a single remark, but certainly such public Catholic bodies as exist in Ireland seem very strongly imbued with its spirit the "Charter of toleration" has actually proved worse than an apple of discord. Mr. Plunket, who went over before the third reading, must have been rather surprised at the reception his "easement of burial" bill, as he quaintly termed it, met with. We observed, in one of the Dublin papers, the Morning Post, a jeu d'esprit on the subject, which is characteristic enough of a people, disposed to turn the most serious occurrences into a subject of merriment.

"Form of a requisition under a late act. "To the very pious A. B.: incumbent of the parish of C. D. : &c. &c.

"I write to say, good Mr. Rector,
My uncle is as dead as Hector;
He died the first, and left us word
He'd like his funeral on the third;
So, if at home, pray send us leave
To pay for making of a grave;
And when you're paid, we beg to know
When you'll allow the corpse to go."

Note. The above form is for an uncle, but may easily be altered to answer any other deceased person. It is to be remarked," that if the clergyman should refuse to grant you the permission required, he is bound to return your money, so that you can have both money and corpse to your self; or if you prefer it, you can write to the Lord Lieutenant, to know whether the

deceased is to be buried or not." Mr. Plunket is said not only to be a wit himself, but highly to relish wit in others; we doubt much, however, whether he will see the pleasantry of the above. Indeed, it is to be feared that his charter of toleration" will turn out any thing but ani casement" to the living, whatever it may do to the dead.

The Slave Trade Piracy Bill has passed into a law, Mr. Canning declaring on the third reading that he had the authority of Mr. Wilberforce, who was absent from indisposition, for announcing his acquiescence in the measure, and his opinion that it was the most effectual one which could be taken for the suppression of the traffic in slaves. Sir James Mackintosh, after expressing his satisfaction on the occasion, eulogized the conduct of the United States for having led the way in declaring the slave trade, piracy.

It has appeared by a question put on the subject in the House of Commons, that a very interesting literary discovery has lately been made among the state papers,—a ma nuscript of Milton's. Mr. Peel stated "that it was a theological work, entitled

De Dei cultu,' treating of the truths of the Christian religion, and, no doubt, as far as evidence could go, authentic. How the manuscript had come into the situation where it was discovered, nobody could guess; it had, however, been submitted to the King, who had commanded its publication, which was now in progress." Wood, in his Athenæ Oxonienses, mentions the existence of this work, as does also Birch, in his Life of Milton, but no one could hitherto afford any clue to its discovery. Wood had said, that it was last seen in the possession of Mr. Cyriac Skinner, a friend of the poet's; and, on the envelope, which surrounded it, there was an address on it" to Mr. Skinner, merchant." It would not have been a bad joke to have printed this, in the first instance, anonymously, and entrapped the Giffords and Jefferys into a review of it.

Several petitions have been presented to the House of Commons against the proposed expenditure of half a million of money in the erection of new churches. Sir Isaac Coffin gave as a reason for his support of the vote, that he was quite alarmed at the late increase of "those devil-killers, called Methodists." They were such "rooting men," he said, that if they once burrowed into any man's house, they soon made their way into every part of it. Mr. Butterworth soon after presented a petition from certain religious fishmongers in London, praying for a repeal of the statute of William, allowing the sale of mackerel on Sundays, as inconsistent with their notions of morals and piety.

On the proposal of the annual vote for the education of the poor in Ireland, Mr. Hume strongly objected to the entrusting. the sum proposed in the hands of the Kildare-street Association, on the ground, that the system adopted in that school was such as to prevent the Roman Catholic parents from sending their children there. The society was very ably vindicated in a maiden speech of very great promise by Mr. North, a gentleman who has just been returned, it is said, under the auspices of Mr. Canning. The vote was ultimately agreed to.

During the discussion of the estimates Mr. Hume called the attention of the House to the extortion of Fees by the Dean and Chapter of Westminster for the admission of the public into the Abbey. The system pursued called forth very severe animadversion from all the members, and Mr. Bennett declared he would gladly vote a sum of money for the removal of the monuments, which, being erected by the nation, the public had an undoubted right of access to. We sincerely wish this were done. The fees demanded at our public buildings have long been the reproach of this country in the eyes of foreigners.

In the House of Lords there has been but one debate of any interest, and that one took place on a motion of Lord Darnley's, on the state of Ireland,—an unfail. ing subject. Lord Liverpool went into the subject at length, and after panegyrizing the character of the Irish people declared that no country had ever behaved more liberally to another than England had to Ireland. This was the only new fact which the debate elicited. It is unnecessary for us to recapitulate topics which have been insisted on over and over again for the last twenty years, and which are very likely to keep fresh for twenty years longer. Lord Lansdown made a very liberal and able speech. The motion, how. ever, was, as usual, lost, by a majority of 57 to 17. It will come on again, no doubt, next year,

While upon the debates of the House of Commons, we forgot to mention a very

important motion made by Mr. G. Lamb, for the allowance of counsel to persons indicted for felony. The motion was lost after an able speech in support of it from Sir James Mackintosh and another from Mr. Denman, persons whose situations, as judges, must have rendered them the very best authorities on the subject. The refusal of this privilege has always struck us as a gross anomaly in our law, and indeed we need pretend to no great liberality on the subject when we find Judge Jeffries himself declaring that "it is a hard case, certainly, that a man may have counsel, and his witnesses sworn if he is tried for a twopenny trespass; and that yet the same is refused to him in a case which affects his life." It would be difficult to answer this.

There is no domestic news of any interest. The state of Ireland by no means proves that the people of that country duly esti-, mate the liberality with which Lord Liverpool says they are treated. There were two hundred prisoners discharged from the gaol of Cork this assizes by proclamation! A most amazing fact, and proving to demonstration one of two things: either that the committals were most scandalous, or that the prosecutors are afraid to come forward and give evidence. What a state of things! There is now a regular society of Deists established in the city of Dublin ! They have printed their rules, of which, having procured a copy, we shall publish some extracts next month. Yet Mr. Plunket, we hear, is in Dublin.

AGRICULTURE.

The cold and wet weather, which, with the exception of one or two fine days in the latter part of the month, continued throughout March, very much retarded the farmer's customary operations. The barley and oat sowing is consequently very backward, particularly the former. The nip ping winds at the former part of the present month have considerably checked the early luxuriance of the pastures and meadows: they have now a black and singed appearance. The last week has, however, been so favourable that the farmer is rapidly making up for his lost time, and the barley sowing is in full activity. The young wheats do not look so well as might have been expected from the mildness of the winter, the cold winds last month having affected them, particularly in open situations. Some warm showers would alter their appearance for the better. In the Welsh counties, sheep are said to have done very unkindly, the extreme moisture of the weather having rotted a great many. The lambing season has, however, upon the whole, been very prosperous; but the lateness of the grass, and the want of turnips combined, have caused the ewes to fall off in their milk. Beans in cold clayey soils are considered as destroyed.

The trade for long wool has improved, and a further advance is expected. It is selling at from 28s. to 30s. per tod. The corn market has continued dull, although the arrivals have been under the usual quantity. A great push was made a few days since by the holders of foreign corn to raise the markets so as to open the ports for bonded wheat. The price rose consequently, in the week beginning April 12, about three shillings per quarter; but since that period, the millers have taken alarm at the return of 16,902 quarters at 728. 2d. (the London average of the second week, which regulates the importation) lest the bonded wheat should be liberated. The trade is now dull for wheat, and barley and oats are equally at a stand; and flour still maintains its former quotation.

Mr. Huskisson's proposed measure to permit those merchants who have foreign wheat in warehouses to convert it into flour, and to export it to foreign countries, or to our own colonies, has already excited the attention of the agriculturists. Mr. Huskisson argues that it would be beneficial to the home consumer, to the merchant holding the corn, to the colonies where it may be exported, and, lastly, to the country generally, because it would bring so much dead capital into play. Upon this subject, Mr. Ellman, jun. of Southover, has ad dressed a letter to the Right Hon. Gentleman. Mr. Ellman contends that this measure would release no less a quantity than 460,000 bushels of flour, or 90,000 sacks, duty free. Because, calculating that the foreign wheat weighs 56 lb. per bushel, it would yield at the rate of 5 bushels per quarter of wheat. Government would thus have only 4 instead of 5 bushels returned for a quarter of wheat, and will be losers (supposing the wheat to be let out at 17s. per quarter duty) of 70,000l. The 90,000 sacks will also be an ample supply for Mark-lane for three months. With respect to the exportation of the flour, Mr. Ellman argues that there was no demand, because, if there was such a demand as to make the exportation advantageous, why was not the flour now under lock exported? Again, that the flour thus ground from the bonded wheat would be replaced by a very inferior article made from inferior British wheat, and would be neither fit for exportation, nor for storing. Under these circum stances, it is contended that, if the bill does pass, 5 bushels, or 300 lb. weight of flour, ought to be required to replace every quarter of wheat; but even in that case, it will be injurious to the English farmer.

The average price of wheat in the twentyfour maritime counties, for the week ending April 10, was for wheat 63s. 34d; barley 358. 94d.; oats 24s. 12d.

The arrivals have averaged, during the

last four weeks-wheat 5581 quarters; barley 5471 quarters; oats 18,753 quarters; flour 5838 sacks; peas 833 quarters

Smithfield Market is exceedingly dull," both for beasts and mutton; the former fetched from 3s. 4d. to 4s. 2d.; and the latter, from 3s. 8d. to 4s. 4d. per stone. The lamb trade is good, and the market not glutted.

April 23.

COMMERCE.

April 23, 1824. Cotton-The demand for cotton in the London market has been good during the last four weeks, but without any sensible rise in the prices. The most extensive sales were in the week succeeding the 6th, amounting to 4800 bales, viz.-2000 Bengals 54d. to 64d. ordinary to good fair; 1800 Surats 6d. to 6d. middling to fair; 190 Madras 6 d. to 6 d. ordinary to fair; 60 Pernams 10 d.; 60 Paras 94d.; 200 Sea Islands 124d. to 144d.; 28 New Orleans 83d; 420 Boweds 73d. to 8 d. ordinary to good fair; 20 Demarara 124d.all in bond; and 20 Egyptian 11d. duty paid. The Surats and Bengals were taken chiefly for re-sale, with a few for export; the Brazils for home consumption; and the Americans for export.

In the ensuing week, the known sales were only 1400 bales, but it was reported that considerable business had been done in East India descriptions, the particulars of which did not transpire. The report of the Liverpool market was favourable. sales in four weeks, ending April 17, were 50,200 bales, the arrivals 35,315 bales.

The

Sugar. At the close of last month the market was extremely heavy, and the eagerness of the holders to sell, caused a reduction in the prices. It seems that the stock in the West India warehouses continued to accumulate, while the weekly de liveries decreased. In the first week of this month, several holders of Muscovades resolved to sell, parted with them at very reduced prices; brown Demerara 54s, brown Jamaica 55., the middling were even lower in proportion than the brown; very good quality might be had at 56s. to 58s. These low prices, however, considerably increased the demand, but at first without effecting a rise, as the holders readily sold at the previous currency. The demand continuing, a general improvement of 1s. to 1s. 6d. took place, and the holders became firm; and it was the general opinion that Muscovades had reached the lowest point of depression. The prices of refined have been very low, even in proportion to those of raw sugars. Last week more business was done, and prices were rather higher. Molasses 25s. 6d. Very little has been doing in foreign sugars, except in the