the labor of 6.4 men. Now how much labor will be required to produce the remaining 24 quarters for profits? Phil. Because fifteen quarters require the labor of one man (by column one), 24 will require the labor of 1.6. X. Right: and thus, Philebus, you have acknowledged all I wish. The object of Mr. Malthus is to ascertain the cost in labor of producing ten men's wages (or 120 quarters) under the conditions of this case Alpha. The cost resolves itself, even on Mr. Malthus's principles, into so much wages to the laborers and so much profit to their employer. Now you or I will undertake to furnish Mr. Malthus the 120 quarters not (as he says) at a cost of ten men's labor, (for at that cost we could produce him 150 quarters by column one) but at a cost of eight. For six men and four tenths will produce the whole wages of the eight producers; and one man and six tenths will produce our profit of 25 per cent. Phad. The mistake then of Mr. Malthus, if I understand it, is egregious: in column five he estimates the labor necessary to produce the entire 120 quarters; which, he says, is the labour of eight men: and so it is, if he means by labor what produces both wages and profits; otherwise not. Of necessity therefore he has assigned the value both of wages and profits in column five. Yet in column six he gravely proceeds to estimate profits a second time. X. Yes; and, what is still worse in estimating these profits a second time over-he estimates them on the whole 120: i. e. he allows for a second profit of 30 quarters; else it could not cost two men's labor (as by his valuation it does); for each man in the case Alpha produces fifteen quarters. Now 30 quarters added to 120 are 150. But this is the product of ten men, and not the wages of ten men: which is the amount offered for valuation in column three, and which is all that column seven professes to have valued. SECTION III. Phæd. I am satisfied, X. But Philebus seems perplexed. Make all clear therefore by demonstrating the same result in some other way. With your adroitness, it can cost you no trouble to treat us with a little display of dialectical skirmishing. Show us a specimen of manoeuvring: enfilade him: take him in front and rear: and do it rapidly and with a lighthorseman's elegance. X. If you wish for variations, it is easy to give them. In the first argument, what I depended on was this-that the valuation was inaccurate. Now then, secondly, suppose the valuation to be accurate; in this case we must still disallow it to Mr. Malthus: for in column 5 and 6 he values by the quantity of producing labor: but that is the Ricardian principle of valuation, which is the principle that he writes to overthrow. Phæd. This may seem a good quoad hominem argument. Yet surely any man may use the principle of his antagonist in order to extort a particular result from it? X. He may: but in that case will the result be true, or will it not be true? Phæd. If he denies the principle, he is bound to think the result not true; and he uses it as a reductio ad absurdum. X. Right: but now in this case Mr. Malthus presents the result as a truth. Phil. Yes, X.; but observe: the result is the direct contradiction of Mr. Ricardo's result. The quantities of column first, vary in value by column the last: but the result, in Mr. Ricardo's hands, is-that they do not vary in value. X. But, if in Mr. Malthus's hands, the principle is made to yield a truth, then at any rate the principle is itself true: and all that will be proved against Mr. Ricardo is-that he applied a sound principle unskilfully. But Mr. Malthus writes a book to prove that the principle is not sound. Phæd. Yes, and to substitute another. X. True: which other, I go on thirdly to say, is actually employed in this table. On which account it is fair to say that Mr. Malthus is a third time refuted. For, if two inconsistent principles of valuation be employed, then the table will be vicious because heteronymous. Phil. Negatur minor. X. I prove the minor (viz. that two inconsistent principles are employed) by column the ninth: and thence also I deduce a fourth and a fifth refutation of the table. Phod. Bravo! Now this is a pretty skirmishing. 202 X. In that case, the result of this table is a case of idem per idem; a pure childish tautology. Phil. Suppose I say, it is not? X. In that case, the result of this table is false. Phil. Demonstrate. X. I say that the principle of valuation employed in column 9 is-not the quantity of producing labor, but the quantity of labor commanded. Now, if it is, then the result is childish tautology, and identical with the premises. For it is already intro duced into the premises as one of the conditions of the case Alpha (viz. into column 2) that 12 quarters of corn shall command the labor of one man: which being premised, it is a mere variety of expression for the very same fact to tell us in column 9 that the 150 quarters of column the first shall command 12 men and five tenths of a man: for 144, being 12 times 12, will command 12 men, and the remainder of six quarters will command the half of a man. And it is most idle to employ the elaborate machinery of nine columns to deduce, as a learned result, what you have already put into the premises and postulated amongst the conditions. Phed. This will therefore destroy Mr. Malthus's theory a fourth time. X. Then, on the other hand,-if the principle of valuation employed in column 9 is the same as that employed in columns 5 and 6, that principle must be the quantity of producing labor-and not the quantity of labor commanded. But in this case the result will be false. For column 9 values column the first. Now, if the 150 quarters of case Alpha are truly valued in column first, then they are falsely valued in column the last; and, if truly valued in column the last, then falsely valued in column the first. For by column the last the 150 quarters are produced by the labour of 124 men: but it is the very condition of column the first, that the 150 quarters are produced by 10 men. Phad. Ha! ha! ha! this is nate, as our friend O' H. says. Here we have a fifth refutation. Can't you give us a sixth, X.? X. If you please. If Mr. Malthus's theory be good, it shall be impossible for any thing whatsoever at any time to vary in value. For how shall it vary? Because the quantity of producing labor varies? But that is the principle which he is writing to overthrow. Because the value of the producing labor varies? But that is impossible: for he writes to prove that labour cannot vary in value. Phil. Yes, it shall vary:-how? because the quantity of labor commanded shall vary. X. But how shall that vary: A can never command a greater quantity of labor, or of any thing which is presumed to be of invariable va lue, until A itself be of a higher value. To command an altered quantity of labor, which (on any theory) must be the consequence of altered value, can never be the cause of altered value. No alterations of labor therefore, whether as to quantity or value, shall ever account for the altered value of A: for they are either insufficient or impossible (quoad Mr. Malthus). Phil. Grant this, yet value may still vary: for profits may vary. X. So that if A rise, it will irresistibly argue profits to have risen?.. Phil. It will: because no other element can have risen. X. But now column 8 assigns the value of a uniform quantity of corn, viz. 100 quarters. In case Alpha 100 quarters are worth 8.33. What are 100 quarters worth in the case Iota? Phil. They are worth 10. X. And that is clearly more. Now if A have risen, you have allowed that I am entitled to infer that profits have risen: Now what are profits in the case Iota? Phil. By column 4 they are 20 per cent. X. And what in the case Alpha? X. Then they have fallen in the case Iota: but because A has risen in case Iota from 8.33 to 10 it is an irresistible inference on your theory that they ought to have risen. Phad. Ha ha! Philebus, this is nate: go on, X, and skirmish with him a little more in this voltigeur style. THE DRAMA. COVENT GARDEN AND DRURY LANE. The Pair of Spectacles! THE Easter holidays have been cloyed with the usual sweetmeats of pantomime-and Mr. Farley, and, we presume, Mr. Wallack, have been producing their great romantic mincepies for the mouths of children above the age of 10. Both our great melodramatists, we suspect, have been bitten by Mr. Bullock, as both their structures are Egyptian: If Mr. Farley squats himself on the peakedpoint of a pyramid, Mr. Wallack is not to be outdone, but comes in, mounted on an alligator, and covered with hieroglyphics, like one of Bartley's bills. The Nile is spread before the pit at each house; and we see none but crocodile-tiers at Covent Garden and Drury Lane. If we did not know that Farley was head horror-man at one theatre, and Wallack chief spirit-merchant at the other, we should conjecture that Bartley was the author of the Spirits of the Moon at Covent Garden, and the Spirit of the Star at Drury Lane. He knows all about the planets, and might be expected to set a comet on its legs, and turn Lucifer to account. However, the marvels are sufficiently marvellous, and after Young's Hamlet, and Macready's Virginius, three hours of camel, lizard, pyramid and sand, are, it must be owned, lively and entertaining. Green and gold are the colours "worn by the riders." "The Spirits of the Moon" is perhaps rather better and brighter than the "Spirit of the Star." It ought to be so. In the first scene we see a deal of Nile palpitating about the stage; and a moon-minor turned to a moon-major; or, to make it clearer by means of a circulating medium, we behold a kind of sky--Oh Grieve, go Grieve! sixpence expand into a luminous dollar, out of which a spirit comes, that, with other spirits of a lesser coinage, makes the waters get about their business-and allows the business of the drama to proceed. The plot of the piece is, "as you were." Farley is a villain, with several subterranean vaults, like the Westminster Wine Company; Mrs. Vining, a loud voiced mother, motherly to a degree; Miss Beaumont, pretty and plaintive, rather overdressed, like a puflet at the Free-masons';-Mr. T. P. Cooke, a virtuous bad assistant,-mysterious, and addicted to listening at the side scenes. All the characters are after one mother for a length of time, and virtue wins by half a neck at last. But Miss Love is not herself— for the first time, we believe, in the memory of man, she is habited in male attire,-and alas! she sneaks about as though she were only hunting for a petticoat. What a pity she ever lifted the drapery a foot above the ancle! Her knee, to be sure, is still curtained-but she is not turned like Miss Tree, and should still keep to the muslins and the ginghams. They have only one Miss Foote at Covent-Garden; but they have several Miss Legs! It is needless to criticise the language or the acting:-the latter was a good deal the better of the two. Young Grimaldi, in a white body jacket, plays off several antics at the end of the first act; which were intended for dancing hyeroglyphics, we suppose. We were right well puzzled! The scenery throughout is rare and opulent in moonlights and sunlights. The scene-painter is the great performer indeed, and, in the Easter hunt after that wily thing, popular favour, generally comes in for the brush! At Drury-Lane, the same fine scenery is lavished on the public; and the performers undergo similar difficulties with their rival Egyptians at Covent-Garden. Harley plays a coward inimitably well, but it is an easy part to play. There are some most effective scenic inventions; and for once, we think Covent-Garden is a little surpassed in this department. What will Holloway say to this? We have had no other novelties; but as soon as the moon and stars are out, we shall have the usual weekly allowance of new tragedies and operas. Kean's boots will get mildewed! By the bye, we should not omit to say that the Covent-Garden play-bill has a word that no one can pronounce and that would go twice round Mrs. Davenport's waist. In the DruryLane bill, there is also a Greek word, but it is not a quarter so perplexing. VIEW OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS. WE have been deliberating for some time past upon what in the world we were to do this month for foreign intelligence. Every Continental Power seems, to us newsmongers, to be in a provoking apathy there is not even a plot or a rebellion to fill up a page with. The consequence is, our diurnal contemporaries are obliged to invent wars and rumours of wars to-day, in order to have an opportunity of filling a column or two to-morrow with a contradiction-this we cannot do, because our ingenuity on the first of May could not be counteracted until the first of June, and of course an entire month's mischief might ensue. It is wonderful to see the effects of this information-famine in the country one of the editors, who we suppose is not in an advertising district, declares, in a state of absolute despair, that there are not even births, marriages, or burials," and that, in short, "Nature herself seems at a stand." Under these circumstances we are reduced to the necessity of inserting the King of France's speech, for which we hope our readers will forgive us. We would not do it if we could-but as some excuse we may be allowed to quote, in exte nuation, the effect which a Paris paper, the Etoile, attributes to it. "We must renounce," it says, "the hope of depicting the impression produced by the speech of his Majesty! What an empire does the voice of a son of Henry the Fourth exercise over the hearts of Frenchmen! His Majesty and his august family must, long after their departure, have heard the unanimous cries of Live the King; Live the Bourbons; Live the Duke of Bourdeaux!" It certainly would appear from this as if the son of Henry the Fourth had very excellent ears as well as a fine voice! We are only surprised that the Ultra scribe did not say at once, "He must have heard the cries long after he was out of hearing :"-to be sure, poor Sheridan in his "Critic," gives as a reason for not seeing the English fleet, that it was "out of sight;" but with a French flatterer that would be precisely the reason why a king should see it. In order to preserve for the Morning Post a fine model for the next opening of Parliament we think it right to give also in the words of the "Etoile," the preliminaries to the Royal oration-they are French all over. "A quarter of an hour after the opening of the gates of the Louvre all places were occupied by a crowd of ladies, whose elegant dresses formed round the saloon a rain-bow shaded with a thousand colours. At twelve the Peers, in grand costume, were introduced; a moment after the Deputies were introduced. While the deputations of the two Chambers went to receive the King, 6 April 24. their Royal Highnesses Madame, the Duchess of Angoulême, the Duchess of Berri, and the Duchess of Orleans, followed by their ladies, came to occupy the seats prepared for them on the King's left. The King appears! Acclamations of enthusiasm salute the ADORED MONARCH! His Majesty testifies by several gracious inclinations how much he is moved by these marks of attachment. (We had by a curious chance written the word 'marks," masks-and we were strongly inclined to let it so stand, remembering, as we do, how much more suddenly and decisively his Majesty moved,' after the return from Elba, having just before received many similar marks of attachment' from the very same men who grew hoarse afterwards shouting Vive Napoleon!') Their Royal Highnesses Monsieur and the Duke of Angoulême are placed on stools (we wonder they are not described) on the right and left of the throne. His Serene Highness the Duke of Orleans is seated farther removed. The Prince de Talleyrand, Grand Chamberlain (oh, Vicar of Bray, Vicar of Bray, rest in peace hereafter !) is on a stool at the foot of the throne; the King's Ministers, the Marshals, and the great Dignitaries, occupy seats a little lower. The King, addressing the Peers, says, Messieurs les Pairs,' be seated. The Lord Chancellor says to the Deputies, Messieurs les Deputés,' the King per mits you to be seated." After this flourish comes the speech, which we here present to our readers. "Gentlemen, "I am happy to be able to congratulate you on the benefits which Divine Providence has bestowed on my people, on my army, and on my family, since the last sitting of the Chambers. "The most generous, as well as the most just of enterprises, has been crowned with complete success. "France, tranquil at home, has nothing more to fear from the state of the Peninsula; Spain, restored to her King, is reconciled with the rest of Europe. "This triumph, which offers such sure pledges to social order, is due to the discipline and bravery of a French army, conducted by my son, with as much wisdom as valour. "A part of this army has already returned to France; the other shall not remain in Spain, except for the time necessary to secure the internal peace of that country. "It is to you, Gentlemen, it is to your patriotism, that I wish to owe the establishment of so satisfactory a state. Ten years of experience have taught all French men not to expect true liberty except from the institutions which I founded in the Charter. This experience has at the same time led me to recognize the inconveniences of a regulatory disposition, which requires modifying, in order to consolidate my work. "Repose and fixed purpose are, after long struggles, the first necessity of France. The present mode of renewing the Chamber does not attain this object. A project of law will be laid before you for a septennial renewal. "The short duration of the war-the prosperous state of the public revenuethe progress of credit, give me the satisfac tion of being able to announce to you that no new tax, no new loan, will be necessary to cover the expences of the year just past. "The resources appropriated for the current service will suffice. Thus you will not find any obstacle in anterior expences, in the way of ensuring the service of the year, the budget of which will be laid before you. 66 The union which exists beween my allics and me, my friendly relations with all other States, guarantee a long enjoyment of general peace. The interests and the wishes of States agree in removing every thing which might trouble it. I have hope that the affairs of the East, and those of Spanish and Portuguese America, will be regulated for the greatest advantage for the states and people whom they interest, and for the greatest developement of the commercial relations of the world. "Already numerous channels are regularly opened to the products of our agriculture and our industry; sufficient maritime forces occupy the stations most suited for the efficacious protection of this commerce. "Measures are taken to ensure the payment of the capital of the rentes created by the State in times less favourable, or to obtain their conversion into stock, bearing interest more conformable with those of other transactions. "This operation, which must have a happy influence on agriculture and commerce, will, when it is completed, allow the reduction of taxes, and the closing of the last wounds of the Revolution. "I have made known to you my intentions and my hopes. It is in the improvement of our internal situation that I shall always look for the power of the State and the glory of my reign. "Your concurrence is necessary to me, Gentlemen, and I rely on it. God has visibly seconded our efforts: you may attach your names to an era happy and memorable for France. You will not reject such an honour." The readers of this speech must observe how carefully his Majesty steers clear of involving himself on the subject of South America. Not a single word is said as to his own intentions one way or the other, and indeed we have very little doubt, if his Majesty could do it without ships, which are unfortunately requisite, that we should soon see an expedition fitted out to put down the revolutionary principles of the new world-there would be quite as good a justification for it as in the case of Spain. As to Spain herself, she is restored to tranquillity, and yet a considerable part of the French army has been left behind to preserve the "internal peace of the country." A strange kind of tranquillity which can only be maintained at the point of the bayonet! There is an utter silence as to any act of amnesty, any liberal constitution, any plan, in fact, to render a residence in Spain endurable hereafter to a human being. These are things of course in which the son of St. Louis is not at all involved. The state of the French finances is such as to afford matter of congratulation to that country; but to the wise foresight of the exile of St. Helena must this be attributed, and therefore we find the fact merely noticed in the speech.-What an uproar of jubilates there would have been, could the son of St. Louis have said with any face-"We have done it." A financial operation has, however, taken place, which seems to have given much dissatisfaction-a reduction of the Rentes. This is said by the discontented to be a plan to benefit the emigrants, by a distribution of stock, at the expence of the nation. We have neither inclination nor information to enter into the controversy. There is a very disgraceful attempt making to exclude B. Constant from the Chamber, on the ground of incivism. It seems, the forefathers of Mr. Constant were obliged to fly from France on account of their religious opinions; subsequently to the revolution, however, all such emigrants were restored to their civism provided they conformed to a specified rule; this the family of Constant did; but the Ultras have had a committee appointed, in the base hope of detecting some informality, and thereby driving from the French Chamber one of the few friends of freedom left in it. This requires no comment. The The accounts from Spain represent that country as in a deplorable state. Royal Volunteers are committing every depredation possible wherever they have power, and indeed it seems very difficult to restrain them. An attempt has been made to purify the Spanish troops in some degree; and by way of experiment how far the attempt succeeded, they were entrusted with the garrison duty of Madrid on the 31st of March; the French, however, were obliged to resume their stations on the 1st of April, so that even one day's power was considered too much with which to entrust them. Indeed the time of Bourmont, the French general, is stated to be fully occu pied in the protection of the few Liberals |