testimonies of your great affection to us, have lately given a full evidence of your particular princely care of that people, by sending them such an ample supply and assistance, as hath hitherto (next under God) alone preserved them from being swallowed up by their and our enemies. And we are thereby especially encouraged, not only to desire your council, by what means or ways we ourselves may best endeavour the relief of our poor Catholic subjects of that kingdom; but that your highness, by sending those succours you intended, will continue your goodness and favour towards them to that degree, that they may be sustained in a condition to contend with their enemies, until by other Catholic assistance (for the procuring whereof nothing shall be left undone on our part) they may be enabled to make a farther impression upon the rebels, and to regain what they have lost. And for the better carrying on so good a work, and to induce your highness to so charitable and chargeable an enterprize, as we have already confirmed the agreement made between our deputy of that our kingdom, and the abbot of St Catharine, your highness's minister employed thither: so we are, and will be most ready to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to be done on our part, which is consistent with our kingly interest, and the obligations we stand bound in to all our good subjects. And your highness being especially inclined to this glorious undertaking, by your zeal to the Catholic religion, we do give our royal promise to your highness, to consent freely to whatsoever shall be necessary to the security of the same within that kingdom; and doubt not but we shall give all good Catholics all necessary satisfaction in that particular. And to that purpose, we shall appoint persons of unquestionable affection to that religion, and of interest and credit with that nation, to attend your highness on our behalf, and in our name to consent to what may promote this good design, as soon as we shall receive your highness's answer upon this our desire: not doubting but that if you should enter into a treaty with us (which we exceedingly desire, we shall give such content and satisfaction to your highness in whatsoever shall be proposed, that will give a full encouragement to you to enter upon so glorious an undertaking; I shall conclude, assuring you that I am, Your most affectionate cousin, Paris, February the 6th, 1652. CHARLES R. No. XL. THE MARQUIS OF ORMOND TO THE KING....PAGE 149. MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MAJESTY, SOME of the conditions I was constrained to admit of, to procure a peace with this people, and the satisfaction I was forced to give the English party under the command of the Lord Inchiquin, to purchase their submission to it and conjunction with the Irish in your service, though they were the only means, by which it was possible to bring your affairs to the hopeful state, they were in before the defeat of Dublin; yet that and other misfortunes happening, those compliances and the restraints they left upon your majesty's authority, as they were in a great measure the most apparent causes of those misfortunes, so are those conditions to the Irish, the greatest grounds of despair that now appear to me of holding on the war here. The conclusion of a second peace with Owen O'Neile and his party, which became absolutely necessary, on the defection of most of the English towns and forces in Munster, and by the arrival and success of Cromwell, though it have considerably assisted the preservation of the towns yet remaining, and seemed to be a probable means to unite this people, and remove the cause and support of and division amongst them; yet the clergy, who perhaps think their ambition and avarice are not sufficiently provided for and secured in the peace, and taking the Ulster party, (who have little justly to pretend to, and less in possession) to be those, upon whom they are most likely to prevail to cast behind them all consideration of loyalty to your majesty, or love to their country,, when either shall come in competition. with their interest, do make use of their which is great power, every where, but chiefly in the towns, to keep the Ulster party strong, and out of it to garrison all places of consideration, and in this they have the assistance of some of the commissioners, by whose consent, and not otherwise, forces are to be raised and maintained and towns garrisoned. If they can gain this point, either the towns must not be garrisoned at all, and then they are lost as soon as looked upon; or if they be, it will be with a sort of men, from whose success your majesty can expect no advantage, nor ever to be master of those places, whatever the event be, but by subduing them; and but that perhaps it will not suit with the rebels' interest to come to their condi tions. I doubt not but they might purchase any place that shall be thus secured, though it be made clear enough to the clergy and to the Ulster party, that in the insatiable desire of usurping all power into their hands, as it is most unjust, so it is most ruinous even to their own ends; since it must necessarily produce, first, a distrust in, and then a division of a great party from them; yet I do doubt, whether that will prevail to bring them to such moderation, as to make it much more desirable to have them than the rebels in possession of those towns. Reasons why it is better for the King's Service, and the Preservation of the Nation, that I immediately attend his Majesty, than stay here. 1. The distrust wrought in the minds of the people by insi nuations of some factious persons, rather countenanced than sup pressed by most of the bishops, and fortified by the giving up of Cahir, Gowling, and other places, where men of near depen dance upon and relation to me, were trusted, hath taken such deep root in them, that there is small hope, and now very little time or advantage to remove it; though the bishops here present should endeavour it never so really. By which means the king's authority will fall daily into more contempt, and will in a short time lose the remaining shew of respect, rather than obedience, that is yet paid unto it; and the people, believing themselves betrayed, will think it vain to be persuaded into action, which may render them incapable of conditions from the enemy; or if they be with much difficulty, perhaps with church-censures, gotten forth, it will be with despair not hope of success, whilst they suspect their leader of having made conditions for himself upon their ruin; or if not, that being an heretic he cannot prosper.. These distrusts, and the union of the nation (if any thing can do it) will the one be removed, and the other established by retiring; and it will be more for the king's service, that some opposition be made against the enemy, though without dependence upon his authority (which I doubt is at least held unfortunate) than that the people should be totally subjected to the rebels without resistance. 2. If the want of any diversion in England, and of any supply hither, shall make it impossible in human appearance to resist the undistracted force and design of the enemy, and that the towns and people observing this shall resolve or be forced to submit to conditions such as they can get, then shall I, and as many men of honour and loyalty as will adhere to me, be neces sitated to condition also, or, (which is much better as to me) become a deserted small party, subject to the scorn of enemies of all kinds, and to the treachery of such, as may give us up for their own indemnity, or some mean reward. Whereas if I be gone, it may be excusable, nay fit for the best-affected, in case of extremity, to condition for themselves; so their conditioning express not an absolute perpetual subjection to the rebels, but such temporary compliance as may preserve them in a state with honour to resume arms for his majesty, when they find a probable opportunity. 3. I find, that none of the Protestants, but such as are not in case to get off, or live elsewhere, will stay with us; and these will not be a number, that will be accounted a party. Now one of the greatest advantages my person was or could be of to this nation was, what my interest with the Protestants gave me, which, if I stay, when they are gone will be wholly lost; so as upon any change of the king's affairs for the better, it will not be in my power to save the best-affected, unless I keep myself with some esteem with them. 4. My presence at the transactions now in Holland may be of use to this kingdom, my staying here can be of little service. I am ready to leave his majesty's authority with any, that are fit to manage it. 5. I conceive the garrisoning of Limerick and Galway (without which it seems not possible or prudent for any man to manage the war here) is principally refused in distrust of me, and that when I am gone, they will be persuaded to receive garrisons, which, of what party of Irish soever it be, will tend more to the preservation of the nation, than to have none; though as to me in the present exercise of the king's authority, such men are like to be fixed upon, as I will not trust myself with, and others I believe I shall not persuade them to receive. 6. Those that would persuade me, that the people's belief in me is in some measure suitable to my desires to preserve them, do attribute whatever appears to the contrary to the power they suppose my Lord Inchiquin has with me; and the distaste is said to be so great and general against him, that whilst he is in power, or indeed upon the place, they will pretend dissatisfaction and despair of success. But I am not satisfied, that if he were removed, their distrust of me would be so too; and I think not fit (upon such uncertainties as are the measures we can take of this people's resolutions) to shew an indifference towards him, or a desire to separate from his interest, to whom I have some obligation, in reference to his seasonable active endeavours for the king's service, and his desire to co-operate with me in it out of a confidence in my friendship and honesty; so that for both of us to remove, I hope to be best for all interests. If he should go alone, it is possible some sharp expostulations, that have passed betwixt him and those intrusted by the nation, may VOL. I. |