or at least as persons dangerous to that church and state, who "have always in all times joined and still would join with the "members of that church against their common enemy of their "religion; and since the army there is very much reduced, the "Protestants thus unnecessarily divided seem to us to be exposed to the danger of another massacre, and the Protestant "religion in danger of being extirpated."* It must be presumed, that the ministers of that day were as anxious, that this bill against the Dissenters should be extended to Ireland, as they were certain, that a similar bill would not have passed the Irish parliament. Such were the forced means resorted to by the ministry of that day, to effectuate their intentions upon Ireland respecting the Dissenters. What the opinion and disposition of the court then were as to the Irish Dissenters, is manifest from the language of Mr. Bromley, principal secretary of state, on the third reading of the Schism Bill: he said, "the Dissen"ters were equally dangerous both to church and state; and if "the members who spoke in their behalf would have this bill "drop, he would readily consent to it, provided another bill "were brought in to incapacitate them either to sit in that house, or to vote in elections of members of parliament." The collision of the opposite parties in parliament was at that time extremely violent. The Whigs charged the Tories and the whole court party with an intent to break through the order of the Protestant succession, in favour of the Pretender; to these views they attributed every measure as to the grand object of all their wishes, and all their intrigues. On the other hand the Tories complained of the factious opposition of the Whigs; and the most sensible of their advocatest has declared, that "the designs of that aspiring party at that time were not otherwise to "be compassed, than by undertaking any thing that would hum"ble and mortify the church." Some time previous to the passing of the Schism Bill, the minister had acquired in the commons a very large accession of strength from a set of members, who, under the style of the October Club, had formed themselves into a body with a view to revive a new country party in parlia ment, which might, as in former times, oppose the court in any proceedings they should dislike. The whole body consisted of

Deb. Lords, 3 vol. p. 430. The whole protest containing strong reasons against intolerancy is given in the Appendix, No. LIII.

Chand. Deb. 5 vol. p. 135.

Swift's History of the Four last Years of the Queen, p. 250. This was said on the occasion of the lords having passed the bill for continuing The Act to enable Quakers to make Affirmation in lieu of Oaths (surely a reasonable one, and the law now is so), which the commons would not permit to be read even a first time. About this time, Swift shewed a zeal against the Whigs, by publishing The Public Spirit of the Whigs, and his Preface to the Introduction of Dr. Burnett to the History of the Reformation.

about 200, and they unexceptionably professed what are commonly called high church principles, upon which account they were irreconcilable enemies to the late ministry, and all its adherents; and the grand object of their meetings, was to devise methods to spur on those in power to make quicker dispatch in removing all the Whig leaven from the employments they still possessed.

In Ireland, the number of those, who took an active interest in the political events of the day, was incomparably smaller, than in England, but their violence was proportionably greater. All the efforts of the British cabinet were unable to reduce the ascendency of the old Protestant interest in the commons: it became a trial of strength between the two houses. The influ ence of the crown preponderated in the lords of Ireland, as it did in the commons of England. The commons presented an address to her majesty, humbly beseeching her to remove the chancellor, Sir Constantine Phipps,* from his place, for the peace and safety of her Protestant subjects: the lords on the other hand, made a warm representation to the queen in favour of the chancellor: they entered minutely into the charges preferred against him, and assured her majesty, that they were strengthened in their opinion of his having acquitted himself with honour and integrity, from the further enquiries they had since made, and

More of the true spirit of the times is often to be collected from pamphlets and fugitive pieces of the day, than from the best histories written at a period distant from the events which they record. A book called State Anatomy, was published in Dublin soon after the accession, which thus speaks of Sir Constantine Phipps (p. 51): "No sooner did he appear in that kingdom, but his "levee was crouded with Papists and dispensation converts, whose cloven "foot was seen by the venom they used to spit against Whigs and Dissenters: "but every one who made his court to Phipps, would previously shew his zeal "by treating the Whigs as ignominiously, as formerly under Talbot: nor would "Sir Constantine employ a man of them, no not in ordinary work: according"ly he brought those new converts into all business, places, and preferments, "receiving the most secret informations from priests and friars, who were "hkely to do wondrous service to the English interest. By the assistance of "that trusty bull beef priest Higgins, he laboured to divide the Protestants: "introducing the distinction of bigh and low church unknown there before: "and it must be owned, that they made some progress in this villanous design, "which with the Earl of Rochester's introducing the Sacramental Test consi"derably weakened our present king's interest. He stifled and discouraged "all informations against the insolent practice of Papists, whom he was ever "backward to disarm, though straightly required to do it after the queen's "death. He granted Noli prosequis for writers on behalf of the pretender, "and favoured all he could, those, who treasonably listed soldiers for him. "The Archbishop of Armagh (Lindsay who was primate from 1713 to 1724) "promoted for this very purpose to that see, was his chief abettor. This pre"late not very nice in other matters, and much better acquainted with the "mothers than the fathers, would not be concerned in blood forsooth, refusing "to sign the order for the execution of the listed and enlisters for the preten"der. This behaviour of Churchmen gave rise to another toast: To the pros"perity of the Church in spite of the Clergy."

they concluded with strong assurances of unanimity and temper in the dispatch of public business, and in establishing the peace of that kingdom, by discountenancing the restless endeavours of those factious spirits, who attempted to sow jealousies and raise groundless fears in the minds of her majesty's people. The queen's answer to the address of the commons was a mere echo of the address of the lords, which plainly shewed how strongly her majesty sided with the latter against the former. Both houses of convocation warmly espoused the cause of the chancellor: they wished her majesty might never want a servant of equal courage, uprightness, and abilities, and that church and nation never be without such a friend for the suppression of vice, schism, and faction, and for the support of the royal prerogative as well as the rights and liberties of the subject. The lords had also presented an address to the queen, to justify and clear the chancellor of the reproaches and calumnies of one Nuttal, who had traduced him as having been a promoter of the dissensions, that had lately happened in that kingdom: to which her majesty answered, that she had always looked upon the lord chancellor as a faithful servant to the crown, a true lover of the constitution in church and state, and was therefore extremely pleased to find, that the lords concurred in the same opinion of him.

Many circumstances concur to prove, that the queen herself was indisposed to the Hanover succession, and that the great object of her last ministry was to reconcile the nation to a favourable reception of her brother. The Whigs were indefatigable in thwarting those efforts, which the ministers never dared to avow or openly to make. The queen was personally indecisive, and wanted firmness to carry any important resolution into effect. Whatever harsh measures were forced upon her by the Whigs, such as the attainder of her brother, the proclamation for a reward of 50,000%. for apprehending him, and the several proclamations and declarations in support of the Hanover succession, are reported to have preyed strongly upon her mind;* as did also the failure of Leslie's mission, who was sent

* The secret intentions and views of the last ministry of Queen Anne have never been hitherto clearly laid open. The whole transaction however of the Duke of Cambridge's obtaining his writ of summons to parliament, loudly speaks the disinclination of the queen to that favourite measure of the zealots for the Hanover succession. It was not in fact flattering to the feelings of the queen, that a prince of the house of Hanover should be provided with a house, revenue, and proper officers in England, and enjoy a seat in the British senate; where his influence with those, who were ever ready to adore the rising sun, might powerfully resist the interest of the crown. This, it was urged by the queen's friends, was setting her coffin before her eyes. The duke had sent over the following petition to the

queen.

over to Lorrain to convert him to the Protestant faith: as it was well understood, that the horror of Popery was the only

The Humble Petition of George Augustus Duke of Cambridge,

SHEWETH,

That your majesty having of your great goodness created your petitioner a duke and peer of Great Britain, and it being the constitution, that every peer hath a right and privilege to sit and vote in parliament, your petitioner humbly prays your majesty to grant him his writ of summons to call him to sit and vote in the present parliament.

This petition was signed on the 17th of March, 1713-4, and on the 11th of the following April, Baron Schutz, envoy extraordinary from the court of Hanover, convened a meeting of the most zealous Whigs, lords and gentlemen at Lord Halifax's house in Westminster; where it was artfully concerted, that the baron should not present the petition to the queen, apprehending that her majesty might have denied the writ, or delayed or eluded the petitioner: and therefore they advised the baron to apply to the Lord Chancellor Harcourt, and demand of him the writ of summons, as being the proper officer to cause the same to be made out, and delivered: for which proceeding, this reason was then given; that if the lord chancellor refused to deliver the writ, the House of Lords, then sitting, had a jurisdiction and power, to enquire into, and immediately censure the denial, and to order the writ to be made out and delivered. But the sudden transport and joy of those lords so convened caused them to forget, that Baron Schutz might have done both, viz. if the queen were averse, he might immediately resort to the lord chancellor, and make the demand.

However, the lords advised the baron to keep his orders strictly secret, and appear at court the next day, when the lords were to wait on, and present to the queen their address about the proclamation, and the removing the Pretender out of Lorrain; and to apply himself to the lord chancellor, (as in private and in a corner) and acquaint him, that he (the baron) had a message to his lordship from Hanover, and that he desired an hour, when he should wait on, and deliver it to him.

The lord chancellor told the baron, he should be proud to receive any message from his court; and appointed that very afternoon, between five and six, to receive it at his house in Lincolns Inn Fields.

When the baron came, and (after some compliments) told his lordship, that he, by order of his highness the Duke of Cambridge, did request his lordship, to make out, and deliver to him the writ for the duke; the lord chancellor was at first much surprised: but after a short pause, he asked the baron, whether the matter had been opened to the queen; to which the baron answering, no: his lordship said, this demand is of such importance that I can do nothing in it, till I have the queen's directions; and I will forthwith acquaint her majesty with it: but laying his hand on the baron's shoulder, desired him to remember he did not refuse the writ: to which the baron smartly replied, and desired his lordship to remember, he had requested of him the writ for the Duke of Cambridge.

A cabinet council was instantly called, and sate that evening from nine of the clock till after eleven; where the queen being present, had the disappointment to find her ministers so little firm to their former professions, as to endeavour to persuade her majesty, that the writ could not be denied (they may have hinted that the promises of France did not yet justify the refusal). This defection had such an accidental and unexpected influence upon her majesty's person, as subjected her to an infirmity, that could not be removed, for at the end of three months and nineteen days she demised, but upon the minister's shrinking, the writ was ordered to be made out, and was delivered to Baron Schutz on Saturday the 17th of April, 1714.

objection which a great part of the nation had to his being called to succeed his sister. Circumstanced however as the Pretender was, his cause was abetted by many in England, and recruiting for his service had become so public and general, that Lord

This demand being the next day (Tuesday) whispered in the court of requests, cast a damp on the court party, which they could not dissemble.

The ministers had the vexation to see, on the four last days, viz. Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, the street called Pall Mall, crouded with a vast concourse of coaches, and multitudes of people to congratulate Baron Schutz, and Mons. Koninberg (at whose house the baron lodged) upon the demand of the writ, and the hopes of the speedy arrival of the Duke of Cambridge: that although the writ was at the end of five days, viz. on Satur day the 17th of June, 1714, delivered to Baron Schutz, yet the queen in her anger to see the people so generally run to worship the rising sun, caused Baron Schutz, on the next day, being Sunday the 18th of April, 1714, to be forbidden the court, and injunctions to be laid on all her ministers, not to have any intercourse or correspondence with him and the ministers gave out this pretence for that outrage, viz. because the baron had demanded the writ of the lord chancellor, without having first acquainted her majesty with his orders, and applying to her for it.

It appears probable, that the ministers applied at this time to France for assistance, and received an agreeable answer: but at that time the French king was engaged to attend the negotiations at Rastadt, in regard the peace with the Emperor was not yet concluded. But the urgency of the case was, that if the Duke of Cambridge should forthwith land, as he might, and as the people expected, the ministers measures would be first intirely disconcerted, and then the French assistance would come unseasonably. The ministers, in order to remove their fears, and to obviate the disappointment, on the 19th of May, 1714, being within one month after Baron Schutz was forbidden the court, in the queen's name, sent three letters to Hanover, all signed with her majesty's own hand.

One of these letters was directed to Her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia, in which the queen declared," that disaffected persons had entered "into measures, to fix a prince of her highness's blood in her majesty's "dominions, even whilst she was living, that she (the queen) for her part, "never thought such a project could have entered into her highness's mind; "but now she perceived, her electoral highness was come into that sentiment: "and therefore she (the queen) declared, that such a proceeding would infal"libly endanger the succession itself."

Another of these letters was directed to His Highness the Elector of Brunswick; and in that it was declared, "that if his electoral highness's "son (the Duke of Cambridge) presumed to come within the queen's estate "(i.e. her dominions), she would oppose him with all her power."

And the third letter was directed to the Electoral Prince (then Duke of Cambridge), and therein it was declared to him, " that his design of coming "into her majesty's kingdom, ought to be first opened to her, and to have "had her permission; and that therefore nothing could be more dange"rous to the right of succession in his line, than such a proceeding." From the complexion of these transactions it will be readily admitted, that the queen must have been disgusted with the indelicate and compulsory means used by the Whigs of that day, to ensure the Hanover succession during her life: the workings of nature on behalf of her brother, upon whose head she was forced by the Whigs to proclaim a reward, together with the many thwarting and humiliating instances of opposition to her will from the Whig party, render it more than probable, that she either originally was, or that she became at last insincere in her professions, promises, and exertions to promote the establishment.