The Life of Theobald Wolfe ToneWhittaker, Treacher, and Arnot, 1831 - 347 pages |
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admiral affairs Aherne answered arms army arrived asked Bantry Bay Batavian republic Belfast believe Brest British brother Buonaparte called Carnot Catholics Cherin circumstances Clarke colonel Shee command committee connexion consequence court desired determined Dublin enemy England English expedition father favour feelings fleet force France French government friends frigates gave gentleman give Hoche honour hope immediately Indomptable instantly Ireland Irish government John Keogh Keogh knew land leaders least length letter Lewines liberty lord lord Edward Fitzgerald lord Moira Madgett means memorial ment mentioned mind minister months morning never night observed occasion officers opinion papers Paris party person Pichegru political present prison received replied republic revolution Rowan Russell sail sincere situation soon spirit talents Tandy THEOBALD WOLFE TONE thing thought told took troops United Irishmen Whig Whitley Stokes whole wife wish Wolfe Tone wrote
Popular passages
Page 64 - To unite the whole people of Ireland, to abolish the memory of all past dissensions, and to substitute the common name of Irishman in place of the denominations of Protestant, Catholic, and Dissenter.
Page 124 - I have on my part endeavoured to fulfil — never to desist in our efforts until we had subverted the authority of England over our country and asserted her independence.
Page 186 - He then proceeded to ask me, in case of the landing being effectuated, might he rely on finding provisions, and particularly bread? I said it would be impossible to make any arrangements in Ireland previous to the landing, because of the surveillance of the government ; but if that were once accomplished there would be no want of provisions ; that Ireland abounded in cattle, and...
Page 65 - Catholics had but one common interest, and one common enemy ; that the depression and slavery of Ireland was produced and perpetuated by the divisions existing between them, and that, consequently, to assert the independence of their country and their own individual liberties, it was necessary to forget all former feuds, to consolidate the entire strength of the •whole nation, and to form for the future but one people.
Page 41 - A closer examination into the situation of my native country had very considerably extended my views, and, as I was sincerely and honestly attached to her interests, I soon found reason not to regret that the Whigs had not thought me an object worthy their cultivation. I made speedily what was to me a great discovery, though I might have found it in Swift and Molyneux...
Page 225 - It is altogether an enterprise truly unique ; we have not one guinea; we have not a tent; we have not a horse to draw our four pieces of artillery; the general-in-chief marches on foot ; we leave all our l>aggage behind us ; we have nothing but the arms in our hands, the clothes on our backs, and a good courage, but that is sufficient.
Page 218 - If we are mark'd to die, we are enough To do our country loss ;• and if to live, The fewer men, the greater share of honour. God's will ! I pray thee, wish not one man more.
Page 41 - Molyneux, that the influence of England was the radical vice of our government ; and consequently that Ireland would never be either free, prosperous, or happy, until she was independent, and that independence was unattainable, whilst the connexion with England existed.
Page 221 - This morning, at eight, we have neared Bantry Bay considerably, but the fleet is terribly scattered ; no news of the Fraternite ; I believe it is the first instance of an admiral in a clean frigate, with moderate weather, and moonlight nights, parting company with his fleet. Captain Grammont, our first Lieutenant, told me his opinion is that she is either taken or lost; and, in either event, it is a terrible blow to us. All rests now upon Grouchy, and I hope he may turn out well ; he has a glorious...
Page 69 - ... speculations. My object was to secure the independence of my country under any form of government, to which I was led by a hatred of England, so deeply rooted in my nature, that it was rather an instinct than a principle. I left to others, better qualified for the inquiry, the investigation and merits of the different forms of government, and I contented myself with labouring on my own system, which was luckily in perfect coincidence as to its operation with that of those men who viewed the question...