1 1776. PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. and fupported by the whole tribe of contractors, placemen, and dependents. Among this number he felected two (Mr. Rigby, pay matter of the forces, Sir Gilbert Elliot, treafurer of the navy) well known characters; who, with their friends, chiefly forwarded coercive measures in the other Houfe; and who, if the war continued but a year or two, muft make princely fortunes, though the nation were undone. On the whole, on account of the injuftice of the war, the impolicy of introducing foreigners to decide domeftic quarrels, the impoffibility of procuring native levies for the purpose of carrying on fo unnatural a war, the defenceless fate of the kingdom in cafe of an attack from a foreign enemy, the immenfity of the expence, the uncertainty of conqueft, and the inevitable mifchief, if not ruin, which must be the confequence, though we should prevail in the conteft, were reafons, jointly or feparately taken, fufficient to fupport the propriety of the prefent motion, till it was known whether America was willing to accept of fuch conditions as parliament might think proper to propofe, as an ultimatum of the demands of this country on America as a great constituent member of the empire at large. This was rather a general diffufe converfation, on the great question depending between Great Britain and America, than a regular debate or a parliamentary adherence to the motion made by the noble Duke. The different points fpoken to being confequently fo very detached and unconnected, it is impoffible to draw them up in the way of a regular argument; we fhall therefore, on that account alone, depart from our general rule, and give the fubftance of what was faid by each fpeaker in his own name. Lord Suffolk, under whofe immediate direction as fecretary of ftate for the northern department, the treaties were made, fupported the treaties on the ground of neceffity, and defended the terms on which they were made in point of precedent and usage. Lord Coventry feconded the motion, but gave it as his opinion, that it would be better, to emancipate America entirely, and declare the colonies independent. 351 The duke of Grafton was extremely fevere on adminiftration, particularly on the noble lord (Lord Suffolk) who was fuppofed to be the negotiator of the treaties. Lord Sandwich defended the state of the navy, and contradicted several of the affertions made by the noble Duke who made the motion. The duke of Chandois contradicted the duke of Richmond very flatly, refpecting his defcription of the prefent ftate of the national militia. Lord Carlifle faid, he thought it was much more eligible to employ foreigners than natives; because our fubjects could be more ufefully employed in our manufactures. Lord Shelburne anfwered this argument very ably. He observed, that the whole of the troops would not amount to more than 70,000 men. If then 20 000 were to be drawn.from the plow and the loom, and that would occafion the hurt or ruin of our manufactures, how was it poffible to account for our exports and imports being higher during the late war than at any time before or fince, though we had for the two or three last years of that war, no lefs than 318,000 native fubjects, ferving in our armies and aboard our fleets? Lord Temple did not feem to approve of the conduct of administration in general, nor particularly of their conduct of the war; but as he emphatically expreffed it, the die was caft, the fword was drawn, the fcabbard was thrown away, and the question was now become a tryal of power, and as fuch, he could not help wishing adminiftration fuccefs. The duke of Manchester confined himself chiefly to fhewing the impropriety of employing foreigners; and attributed the prefent fanguinary meafures purfuing against America, as arifing from a concealed though fettled fyftem, the ultimate object of which was, the introduction of defpotifm and arbitrary power.-Among many others, he adverted to the late attempt to introduce foreigners into Ireland, by means the most improper and unconftitutional. Firft by endeavouring to cajole the Irish nation into an acquiefcence, by promifing that those foreigners hould be no expences and fecondly by pledging the faith of the House 352 Anecdote of the celebrated Andrew Marvell. July Lord Effingham endeavoured to fhew, that Ireland was if poffible in a more defencelefs ftate than Great Bri tain; and that there was not a fingle poft in the whole kingdom, ftrong enough to impede the operations of an army of fuperior strength, for twenty four hours. In answer to fomething dropped by the laft noble lord, lord Townshend ftated the ftrength of the military in both kingdoms; and faid the Irifh had no right to complain, for his majefty could fend the troops ferving on that eftablishment to any part of the empire he might think proper; and introduce foreigners into that or any other part of the dominions of his crown, if the exigencies of affairs fhould require, without defiring the previous confent of his parliament. Lord Talbot infifted, that the Americans always aimed at independency; that before the Revolution they were liable to be taxed at the will of the fovereign; and fince that period, by the parliament, to which the fovereign power was transferred. Lord Mansfield held up the motion, in a very ridiculous point of view. He contended, that independency was the ultimate view of the colonies; and that the proposed delay would answer no other end, but that of giving A DR merica time to prepare herself, and to enable her the more effectually to refift our power. Lord Camden made a very elaborate and able speech. The main point he laboured to establish was, that the fpeech from the throne, and the bill framed in conformity to it, for probibiting all trade and intercourfe with America, were full of infidiousness and impofition; for while both held out hopes of conciliation and amity, on terms of conceffion, nothing really was intended, but a moft cruel, bloody, and unnatural war; unless America confented to flavish unqualified terms of unconditional fubmiffion. His lordship was very fevere on the treaties, and the general measures that created the neceflity of entering into them; and painted with, a bold and matterly hand, the probable danger which awaited us, from the interference of foreign powers. Lord Weymouth role to remove any fears that might be created, by the fuggeftions of the last noble lord, refpecting the difpofition of foreign powers; and affured the houfe, that at on period fince the peace of Paris, did Great Britain ftand upon better terms with the feveral great powers of Europe than at prefent; particularly, with thofe of France and Spain. On the question, there appeared 31 Contents, and 86 Non contents. Anecdote of the celebrated Andrew Marvel. R. Parker, at that time chaplain to the Bishop of Rochefter, meeting Marvel in the treet (between whom there had been a paper war) rudely attempted to take the wall of him, which Mr. Marvell wanting, placed his foot and arm in fuch a manner that the doctor fell into the kennel; and as the doctor lay fprawling in the dirt, he said to him with his ufual pleafantry, "Lie there for a fon of whore." The doctor complaining to the bifhop, his lordfhip defired that Mr. Marvell would be pleafed to call upon him when on the vifit, Mr. Marvell afking his Grace the occafion of it, he reproach ed him with abufive ufage of his chaplain; but laid the emphafis on the foul language, and affured him, that unless he made ample fatisfaction, a profecution fhould take place, and he would fee juftice done Dr. Parker. Mr. Marvell replied, that his : chaplain was impudent to demand the wall of a member of the House of Commons; and that he had only given him the reproachful name he had given himself. How does that appear? Have you not, my lord bishop, fuch a book, which he hath lately written? Yes. Pleafe to produce it. There, my lord, fays Marvell, look over that page of the preface! Well what of this? Why, my lord, does he not fay, he is a true fon of his mother, the Church of England?' Well, and what of that? Read further on, my lord: The Church of England has spawned two bastards, the prefbyterians and the congregationals.' Ergo, my lord, he exprefsly declares, that he is a fon of a whore. You are very witty, indeed Mr. Marvell (replies the lord bishop) but let me intreat you in future time to fhew more reverence to the cloth. Mem 1776 Members chefen and returned in Parliament during the laf Lefion. 353 Sir John Molefworth, bt. dead Hon. Fred. Stuart, fon of Sir G. Macartney, made 2 Lord Bute James Ofwald Con. Phipps, Lord Mulgrave . Hon. Thomas Stanley of trade James Martin Thomas William Coke George Berkeley Henry Dawkins Richard Smith James Smith Richard Beckford John Stroud. 2873. vernor of the Grenades John Scott, dead go Hon. Aug. Montague, dead - Jofeph Martin, dead · Wenman Coke, dead 140 A void election last year 120 46 49 7 - Stuart, a younger brother to Maurice Suckling 16852 2 Walwyn 11885 S George Rous 1932 Hon. Bouveric A void election last year 144 PEERS OF SCOTLAND. Earl of Dunmore chofen in the room of the Earl of Caffilis, dead Contested Elections determined in parliament. (Continued from p. 296, and 678 of the Lond. Mag. 1775.) 354 To the EDITOR of the LONDON MAGAZİNE. HE following are extracts from Tfpeeches in parliament of that great ftatefman and patriot, the late Earl of Chesterfield. The reader will draw from thence fuch conclufions, as he may think proper. Z. "IF any future prince of our prefent royal family fhould overturn our conftitution, and fet up to govern without any parliament, or by means of a packed corrupt parliament, and a mercenary ftanding army, it would be the duty of every man in the kingdom to take arms against the minifters that advised, and the venal tools that fupported, fuch measures."—(Vide his lordship's fpeech, in the year 1744, on the bill denouncing the penalties of high treafon against those who fhould maintain correfpondence with the fons of the Pretender.) "If needy and daring counfellors fhould get the government of a weak prince, they may advife him to arbitrary and oppreffive measures, with a view to provoke a rebellion, that they may have a chance of enriching theinfelves out of the spoils of the rebels. The king, indeed, by fuch meafures might rifk or lofe his crown; but, as fuch minifters have little to lofe, and a great deal to gain, they would give themfelves very little trouble about the rifk their fovereign might run, if they thought they had but a tolerable chance of victory."—(Vide the fame 1peech). "The fecurity of this government, and the tranquillity of this nation, depend not upon the frightening either the difaffected or diffatisfied from rifing in arms, by the feverity of punishment: it depends, and I hope will always depend, upon the fmalinefs of their number. Upon this our own tranquillity will always depend, and fecurely depend, as long as our liberties are preferved entire; and, if they fhould ever come to be encroached on, I am fure it is neither the bufinefs nor the duty of parliament to endeavour to frighten men from taking arms in defence of the liberties of their July country."- (Vide the fame fpeech.} "Slavery and arbitrary power are the certain confequences of keeping up a fanding army; if it be kept up for any number of years. It is the machine by which the chains of flavery are rivetted upon a free people, and wants only a skilful and proper hand to fet it a going: this it will certainly at laft, perhaps too foon, meet with, if you do not break it in pieces before the artist takes hold of it. It is the only machine by which the chains of flavery can be rivetted upon us. They may be fecretly prepared by another by CORRUPTION, which like the dark and dirty channel through which it runs, may hiddenly and imperceptibly forge our chainsbut by Corruption they can be forged only: it is by a numerous flanding army that they must be rivetted. "Without fuch an army we fhould break them afunder, as foon as we perceived them, and fhould chop off the polluted hands of thofe that had prepared them. It is no argument to fay, we have kept up an army for many years, without being fenfible of any danger. The young fiery courfer is never brought at once to fubmit to the curb, and patiently to take the rider upon his back. If you put the bit into his mouth, without any previous preparation, or put a weak and unskilful rider upon his back, he will probably break the neck of his rider; but by degrees you may make him tamely fubmit to both. A free people must be treated in the fame manner; by degrees they must be accuftomed to be governed by an army; by degrees that army must be made strong enough to hold them in fubjection. We have already for many years been accuftoming our people to be governed by an army, under pretence of making ufe of that army only to affift the civil power; and, by degrees, we have for feveral years been increafing the number, and confequently the ftrength, of our army."(Vide his lordship's fpeech, in the year1738, against a standing army). "Thofe 1776. Lord Chesterfield's Thoughts on the Constitution. "Those who fay they depend fo much upon the honour, integrity, and impartiality of men of family and fortune, feem to think our conftitution can never be diffolved, as long as we have the shadow of a parliament. My opinion is fo very different, that, if ever our contitution be diffolved, if ever an abfolute monarchy be eftablished in this kingdom, which heaven avert! I am convinced it will be under that fhadow. Our conftitution confifts in the two houfes of parliament being a check upon the crown, as well as upon each other. If that check fhould ever be removed; if the crown fhould by corrupt means, by places, penfions, and bribes, get the abfolute direction of our two houfes of paliament, our conftitution will from that moment be destroyed. There would be no occafion for the crown to proceed any further, it would be ridiculous to lay afide the forms of parliament, for, under that shadow, our king would be more absolute, and govern more arbi 355 trarily than he could do without it. "A gentleman of family and fortune would not perhaps, for the fake of a penfion, agree to lay afide the forms of parliament; becaufe by his venal fervice there, he earns his inf..mous penfion, and could not expect the continuance of it, if thofe forms were laid afide; but a gentleman of family and fortune may, for the fake of a penfion, whilft he is in parliament, approve of the most blundering measures, confent to the most exceffive and easelefs grants, enact the mott opprefive laws, país the most villanous accounts, acquit the most heinous criminals, and condemn the most innocent perfons, at the defire of that minister who pays him his penfion. And, if a majority of each houfe of parliament confift's of fuch men, would it not be ridiculous in us to talk of our conftitution, or to fay we had any liberty left?" (Vide his lordship's fpeech, in the year 1741, to prevent penfioners to fit in parlia ment.) For the LONDON MAGAZINE. Rational Principles N inferiority of one fpecies of beings to another, and an equality of individuals in the fame fpecies, are general laws of nature, which pervade the whole fyftem. Nor has God, in the particular revelations of his will which he hath made, delivered any thing fubverfive of the conclufion here drawn from the contemplation of the general fyftem of nature which he hath formed, when he bleffed Noah and his fons, and faid unto them," be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth;" his benediction was general and equal to the patriarch and his three fons; and in them, to their refpective pofterity, by whom the whole earth has been overfpread: and when he further faid, "the fear of you, and the dread of you fhall be upon every beaft of the earth, and upon every fowl of the air, and upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the fea, into your hand are they delivered :" he did not by this great charter, under which man claims dominion over the other animals of the earth, give any one man dominion over another. of Government. The natural equality and independence of individuals here contended for, is not only the great fource from which that part of the fyftem of natural law, which explains the duties of all men towards all in their individual capacity, and of all independent states towards each other in their collective capacity is derived; but is also the fureft foundation of all juft reafoning concerning the origin and extent of civil government in every part of the world. For, this principle being admitted, that antecedent to all voluntary compact, every individual is equal to every other; it follows as an eafy confequence, that the just fuperiorityof any one man, or of any order and fucceffion of men in any community, over the other members which compofe it, muft fpring from their exprefs appointment and free confent;- that no one individual can have a right to give his confent for any other, nor any one generation of men, a right to establish any form of government, which their children will not have an equal right to alter or abolish as they think fitᏃ Ꮓ 2 that |