Promotions, Marriages, Deaths, &c. 391 A fine Engraving of the MOHOCK CHIEF lately in ENGLAND; AND 2. EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES alluding to the DELUGE. LONDON, printed for R. BALDWIN, at No. 47, in Pater-nofter-Row. Of whom may be had complete Sets, from the Year 1732 to the prefent Time, ready bound and stitched, or any fingle Volume to complete Sets. PRICES of STOCKS, &c. in JULY, 1776. Stock Ann. Sou. Sea. Old S. S. New S. S. 3 per C. ¡ 3 per C. | 3 per C. | 3 per C.13 per C.B. 4. P. C3 B. |Lo.An. In, B. Navy B Lottery Ann. reduced confols In Ann. B. 1726. 1751 Conf.. 1758 Wind Weath. Prem. Difc. Tick. 82 11 13 Deal. London o NE Fair 11 13 Ο 141 82 1 83 $ 86 32 11 13 ONE 141 81 82 79 86 11 13 O W 141 82 83 ¥ 79 86 32 2 11 13 SE 141 81 82 83 86 32 2 11 13 147 159 81 82 79 86 32 2 II 12 6 SW Rain Sunday AVERAGE PRICES of GRAIN, by the Standard WINCHESTER Bufhel. Wheat. Rye. Barley. s. d. s. d. s. d. 39 4 3 8 3 4 Nouth Wales North Wales 5. 2 3 11 s. d. 7 3 7 2. 10 s. d. s. d. 1 7 3 11 14 3 6 s. d. Scotland 4 0. 343 PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. An Abfirat Hifiory of the Proceedings of the fecond Seffion of the fourteenth Parliament of Great Britain. Continued from our Magazine for the Month of June last, p. 296. ΤΗ HOUSE OF COMMON S. February 29. HIS day the minifter moved, that the treaties entered into between his majesty and the landgrave of Heffe-Caffel, duke of Brunswick, and the hereditary prince of Heffe-Caffel, be referred to the committee of fupply. He preffed the neceflity of redu cing America to a conftitutional ftate of obedience. That neceffity being once granted, the propriety of the measure of taking foreign troops into British pay might be implified, and difcuffed within a very narrow compafs. The first question that would naturally fuggeft itself on fuch an occafion is, Can we procure home levies fufficient to carry on our intended operations against America? This I am afraid must be answered in the negative, faid he; the bounty has been raised, the ftandard has been lowered, but recruits are not to be had upon any terms. New levies have been raised both in the North of this kingdom and in Ireland; this, if at all to be avoided, I fhould have never confented to; because, after the reftoration of tranquillity, they will remain a burden on the eftablishment. But fuppofing none of thofe difficulties attended; that recruits were plenty, that our regiments were completed, or might have been completed at home; the next queftion would be, whether raw undifciplined troops, who had never feen fervice, would anfwer as well as tried veterans? fo that taking this question in either light, that we could procure home levies, or we could not, the prefent treaties will, I dare fay, be found to be well fupported on principles of found policy and national expediency. The next point is, Whether the terms on which those treaties are formed, are advantageous? Here again two questions prefent themselves. Has the measure of hiring those troops been dictated by neceffity and have we made the of those points I fhall not trouble the Houfe not rifing till half after two the noes 88. treaty was, that the war with Ame- 344 PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. rica being unpopular, administration, in order to carry their schemes of def potifm into execution, were obliged to have recourse to foreigners for affiftance. The neceffity of the war was denied, and as a proof that it was not carried on with the concurrence of the people, the minifter's own words were quoted against him, that every means had been tried to raise home levies, but to no purpose. The next material point controverted, was, the comparative cheapnefs of foreigners and home levies. This part of the debate was laboured with great induftry by the gentlemen in oppofition, feveral of them proving that every thousand Germans taken into British pay, befides the expence of transports, would cost the nation as much to the full, as fifteen hundred natives. The laft point was merely fpeculative, whether the force now intended to be voted, with the twenty five thoufand men destined early in the feffion to ferve in America, would be fufficient to effect a conqueft. This being for the greater part rather a defultory animated converfation, than a regular debate; we cannot better convey the fenfe of both parties, than by giving a speech of one of the gentlemen in oppofition, as a contrast to that of the minifters. Mr. D. Hartley. In the courfe of our debates upon American measures, I frequently hear the terms of rebellion and rebels made ufe of, which I fhall never adopt; not only because I would avoid every term of acrimony, which might encrease the ill blood be. tween us and our fellow fubjects in America, but likewife, thinking as I do, that the miniftry of this country have been in every ftage the aggreflors. I never will, as a whig of Revolution principles, confound terms fo funda mentally the reverse to each other, as defenfive refiftance in the fupport of conftitutional rights, with unprovoked and active treafon. The Colonies have been condemned unheard. If you would have condefcended but to have heard their petition, you would have found that all that they requested has been to be restored to the happy state of harmony, tranquillity, and conftitutional dependence, exifting in 1763. Those minifters who bave fo madly driven them on to unavoidable July refiftance, must be answerable to their country for all the confequences. I with to enter my proteft once for all, that I fhall always think our American fellow fubjects have been driven to refiftance in their own defence, and in fupport of thofe very claims, for which we ourselves have fuccessfully taken up arms in former times; to rescue us from the violence and tyrannical pretenfions of the House of Stuart. These rights are the giving and granting freely our own property, and the fecurity of charters. Let us do to them as we have done for ourfelves; and it is all that they alk. I am convinced that the nation will fome day or other fee the justice of their caufe, when the anger of the prefent unfortunate difputes is a little. abated; and when many mifreprefentations which are ftudiously circulated by miniftry, are cleared away. Therefore for the prefent, I will fufpend this part of the argument, and confine. my objections to this measure of the foreign troops, to the impolicy and impracticability of the meatures; being. always underflood, that I have entered my proteft against their injuftice. The public have been artfully and imperceptibly led into thefe measures. We were told at first, that the difcontents were only adopted by a few factious perfons in America; that the body of the people were totally averfe to these measures of refiftance; and, that a very little exertion from this. country, and a very inconfiderable expence, would reftore the public tranquillity. Many of us from this fide of the Houfe, have, from time to time, endeavoured to uncover those fallacies, having too truly foreseen and foretold the endless ill confe quences of the ministerial plans in America. I myself told you, in this very place, not many months ago, from very certain information, that A. merica would not only not recede upon the articles of arbitrary taxation and furrender of charters; but that they would turn out before laft Midfummer a body of 50,000 men in arms. This prediction was at that time treated by the Houfe with laughter; yet it has proved but too true. What confidence then can we have in future minifters, who are fo grofsly ignorant and deceived; or who conceal the 1776. PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. 345 true ftate of things from this Houfe to pay an hundred years purchase for and the public, perhaps with no better the poffibility of a revenue from A. view than to trepan them infidiously, merica. Who would give that price and by gradual fteps into the fupport even for a certainty? But it is conof their own defperate and fanguinary tended that all this armament is only defigns? The public revenue being a a mode of making peace with dignity; fubject upon which I have, at times, that the Americans will be awed into beltowed fome pains, and upon which fubmiffion; and that commiffioners I have fometimes troubled you, I am are to grant pardons and to make fure that this Houfe will do me the peace. This is the infidious pretext of justice to recollect, that I have incef- the prefent year; for what powers are fantly remonstrated to them on the given to the commiffioners ? None but enormity of the expence which thefe to grant pardons, if the Americans measures would entail upon the pub- will lay down their arms upon unconlic, even to the hazard of public ditional fubmiffion. This is an infult bankruptcy, if foreign war fhould over- upon them and upon us. Did they take us upon the heels of this civil take up arms to obtain pardon, or to conteft. The miniftry, in whom a obtain redrefs of grievances? You majority of this Houfe feem to put un- have condemned them unheard; you bounded confidence, have for a time have fubverted all their civil rights; fmothered thefe mifchiefs; they have you penfion their judges; you garble kept all matters of expence out of their juries; you controul the free defight, and have endeavoured to lull bates of their affemblies, you confifthe public to inattention, by convey- cate their charters, you take their proing to them that very little matters perty by violence from them; and would do. No fuch words as taxing when they petition or complain, you and funding have been whispered; tell them thefe are pretended griebut taxing and funding must come ; vances which they feek redress of unand that foon too. You cannot do der arms. Give them redrels and this very year without. I have again they will lay down their arms, and and again stated to this Houfe, and to gladly receive pardon and general obthe noble lord (Lord North) that the livion. If parliament had enabled debts and expences incurred, and the commiffioners to offer redress of fuch as will be incurred in this year's grievances, I should not have called campaign, cannot come to a lefs fum the appointment of them a mere prethan ten millions. The army extra- text; but you have exprefsly tied ordinaries and navy debt, incurred in their hands. Neither can the Amerithe last year, must be enormous; cans put any truft in any supposed inthose which will farther be incurred in tentions of the ministry for peace, the prefent year must be immenfe and General Burgoyne fys, in his letter boundless; I might almoft fay incom- to General Lee, that after what har putable. Let the noble lord deal in- paffed, the Americans may reft in full genuously with the public, and by the confidence, that this country would alfitance of all his lights let him in- never think of taxing them again; form the Houfe, what expences he is and indeed that inference would feem providing for them. Does he intend reasonable if we did not hear the conto lay any new tax this year? Does he trary afferted and supported almoft in pay off any of the navy debt? Does he every day's debate in this Houfe; and propofe the payment of the civil lift, particularly by the noble lord (Lord with an augmentation to the establish- G. Germaine) who has lately been adment of it? What will the noble lord vanced to the head of the American ftate, as the probable expence of the department. The noble lord at the intended campaign? Let the country head of the Treafury, feldom holds gentlemen know what endless expences the fame language and opinion long they are to encounter, and to mortgage together. Sometimes he is ready to their eftates for. There are fome gentle- difpenfe with taxation, and wishes to men who profefs that they enter into God that all things were restored to this war to obtain a revenue from A. the ftate of 1763. If he has perfonally merica, but ftill not at any price. Gold any difpofitions to moderation and may be bought too dear, if they are lenient ineafures more than his colJuly 1776. Y y leagues, |