land. The cause is obvious; the latter country is alive with manufactories and large trading towns. Ireland has scarcely any large manufacturing establishments, but even the few she has evidently cause a large quantity of work around them, and improve the landed interest in a great degree in proof, see the immense difference in the value of land in the north and in the south.

If the unemployed part of the population of Ireland were made active producers of all articles of exchangeable value, the extraordinary importance to the landowners would be incalculable. Believe me, it is worth the land proprietors' while to make a great, general, and united effort. On the principle of self-interest alone, it is worth an extensive trial! I am fully persuaded that Ireland must become a great trading, manufacturing, and commercial country, before the agriculturalist can be relieved. That such a state of things can be soon achieved, I have no doubt, provided the government will settle the "INSECURITY QUESTION," and revise the monopoly and restrictive system. Then to relieve the wasting evils of Ireland, would only require us to follow the course which Scotland has so perseveringly pursued. A little pecuniary aid would enable us to take the unemployed people who are now unprofitably consuming the produce of the land to the destruction of the great landed interest, bring them into the towns and cities, and turn them to manufactories of all kinds, not to any particular trade, but direct them how to produce all the varied productions which these countries do ;otherwise, Ireland could not become as commercial a nation, as it is indespensable for her prosperity she should; she must-she can no longer depend upon

made to their own property. Land-owners, more than any other class of men, are interested in adopting such measures of unrestricted commerce as will tend to make all England and Ireland, what Lancashire now is.-Liverpool Mercury.

her isolated commerce with England alone: her views must be more enlarged; she must look in conjunction with England and Scotland, to a direct trade with all foreign states, as well as a free intercourse with our own colonies. I say she must, because the amount of the population demands it; for it is to be recollected that, at present, England, Scotland, and Wales, contain only fourteen millions of people, and that Ireland alone, possesses half that numberseven millions of people; of these, millions are not half occupied.

To give employment by establishing manufactories, capital and direction are the two great requisites. To procure the former, as I have already proposed that the Irish government be done away; I propose to let one or two years savings from that source be invested in commissioners for the purpose of forming manufacturing establishments throughout Ireland. If this mode of raising funds will not be attended to, I should propose the levying a tax on all property, or on landed alone, equally affecting absentee and all other proprietors; the taxation would not require to be heavy, as the capital wanted would not be so great as is generally imagined; probably not more than two hundred thousand pounds a year, for a few years, to be placed in the hands of commissioners, who should be capable of directing its proper employment. This idea may be objected to as an expedient; on this head, I shall say a few words hereafter.

An objection may be raised that relief is remote, and the pressure present, in reply, I beg to observe, that the formation of such establishments would give much immediate employment, neither would it interfere with any public works, the forming of canals, roads, or any other that could be found for the adult population; or with any philanthropic plans of improving the cottier husbandry.

All such proceedings will be productive of utility, and will tend to ameliorate the condition of the people, as far as they can go; but I hold, they will not go deep enough; they will not raise Ireland to the rank of her sister island, or let her take her just station, as an integral portion of the British Empire; for, without following the tract of improvement Scotland has done in trade, manufactures, and commerce, she can never reach the desirable situation Scotland has attained. Nor can I admit that the prospect is so very remote, when I consider that thirty years ago, England imported raw cotton only to the amount of fifteen millions of pounds weight; and that the imports in the year 1825, were over one hundred and sixty millions of pounds weight. This one article, worth about six millions of pounds sterling, was manufactured into various goods, worth over fifty million of pounds sterling, by the labour of over one million and a half of people-and further, it is ascertained, that they spin now as much cotton in France, as was spun in England fourteen years since. I do say, weighing these things fully, that the prospect of relief for Ireland is not so remote, if due exertions be promptly made.

The mineral wealth of Ireland is every where abundant and inexhaustible; the working of her mines would produce the raw material on the spot, for the establishment of hardware machine factories, founderies, &c.; and her harbours are particularly secure and commodious for ship-building, and commerce. In truth, I know no one natural objection to her becoming a great manufacturing, trading, and commercial nation. If the impetus be once given, she will rapidly become so.

It would be easy to arrange the particulars, and detail the duties of the commissioners holding the one necessary moving power, capital; the other equally necessary power, proper persons to direct

its use under them, could be procured in England and Scotland, along with the machinery of all kinds that would be requisite; for it must be fully understood, that it is by the introduction and use of the most improved machinery alone, that Ireland can be relieved and benefited. This fact may seem strange to the unthinking; it is, however, not the less true. I am aware that many well meaning persons consider machinery as injurious to the best interest of man-that such opinions are erroneous could be easily shewn here, were it necessary, or called for. I may, however, casually observe, that as human labour is the great source of wealth—if, therefore, the productions of one pair of hands be valuable to the workman-and indirectly, through the operation of his mind or knowledge, he has contrived to increase his productive power, four or six fold, the result must be an increase of wealth, exactly in the ratio of the additional power. I cannot conceive it will be objected to me, that we shall create too much individual or national wealth.

If articles of value be produced, and unequally divided, thereby causing much inequality of human enjoyment and happiness, I cannot allow the producing power, Machinery, to be stated as the cause of the evil; no, the evil is in the unequal distribution, not in the production of wealth. However, one thing is most obvious, that we cannot, if we would, do away with the use of machinery, now so general in every country around us; we must only meet the evil, suppose it be one. I am satisfied fully, that hand labour cannot hold successful competition with machinery; therefore, as machinery has evidently deprived Ireland of employment for her people, she can only regain it, by adopting English improvements.

This subject leads me to make a few remarks upon the terrible mismanagement of the annual

grant of 20 or 25,000 pounds to the Irish linen board. I am willing to believe, it was solely from want of sound views, that this enormous sum was frittered away every year, in salaries to inspectors' clerks, the distribution of a few spinning wheels, trifling grants of money for building Scutch mills, and some still more triffing premiums. The linen trade of England and Scotland has thriven well without the aid of inspectors, seal masters, &c. &c.; and the distribution of wheels and reels had this bad effect: it proved to the poor, that their labour was almost valueless; a woman working with a wheel twelve hours a-day, could not earn a greater reward than lid. to 3d. Had this board acted judiciously, and expended the whole amount of their grant every year, in establishing a manufactory, with improved machinery, in one town one year, in another, the next, and so on, these they could have let at a rent of 2 or 3 per cent, on the money invested, (for I hold that a government should not seek greater interest for money lent, to relieve any striking distress, or to encourage the employment of its people, than they pay for it themselves; or, in other words, they should not make money by the distresses of the people, by borrowing at 21, and lending at 5 per cent ;) or had the board placed a small joint stock company in each establishment to work them, there would have been some good effect produced, and Ireland would have been in a better state to meet the competition which is now going on with the English and Scotch flax mill-spinners.

Had this board and their officers been attentive to, and introduced the improvements used in England and Scotland, their countrymen would have been by this time fully aware of the vast advantages of machinery, and real national benefits would have been the result; instead of which, what single monu