dignity to government in the eyes of the people; but this is a mistake. The people are not quite so senseless and stupid as the idea implies. They will pay more reverence to government dressed in truth and justice than in ermine; and pay more regard to a decent grave man executing justice in mercy, than to a splendid tyrant, surrounded with officers of justice armed with the implements of death. It is a mistake which often loses a government the affections of the subjects; they imagine that they want discernment, and are not judges of what pertains to their own affairs. I can assure you, my Lords, they pay you off in your own way when you judge in this manner, and say often some very shrewd things concerning the characters of men in high offices. They compare great things to small, as Virgil compared Rome to Mantua, though they do not find reason to make such a difference between you and themselves as the poet made between Mantua and Rome. If you were to hear them talk about the stories of Doctors' Commons, and the intrigues of courtiers, it would amaze you. They will often say to one another, "These are fine men indeed to direct public affairs, who cannot govern their own appetites. Are these the makers and executors of our laws, that profane them so openly and abominably, who neither seem to fear God nor regard men? Matters are come to a fine pass, when adulterers, whoremongers, fornicators, and gamblers, become legislators. The nation will certainly thrive now, when such godly men have the management of it. We may expect the taxes will be lessened, and our money laid out with great economy, by the jockies of Newmarket, who are so frugal in their own affairs. Religion will thrive now, when Lord Spindleshanks is placed at the head of the church." Truly, my Lords, you would be surprised to hear the sarcasms which the country-people throw forth, upon such topics, against people in high rank. Would you imagine that a country hind would be able to keep a register of all the natural children of every justice of the quorum in the county? The people are really not so stupid as you imagine; I could give you many instances of their sagacity, but these may serve for a specimen. They are almost all acquainted with the story of Haman, and know the height of the gallows to an inch, and make some very pertinent comments upon it, that would astonish you. I have mentioned these things, my Lords, for your information, and shall leave you to ponder upon them. Amen.

SERMON

SERMON VIII.

1 KINGS, xii. 18.

Then king Rehoboam sent Adoram, who was over the treasury, and

THIS

all Israel stoned him with stones till he died.

HIS was contrary to all law and government: but there was now no government in Israel. The folly of the king and bis new ministry had now reduced the kingdom to a state of nature. Every one did what he pleased; and that Adoram felt. This is a shocking affair, my Lords: God grant that we may never see any thing like it in this country. The story that goes before will shew us the reason of this affair. It is plain from the context, that at the time of Solomon's death the kingdom of Israel, though apparently in a flourishing condition, was very much oppressed, and the people were groaning under very heavy burdens. The expences of the king's household were exceedingly extravagant: Solomon's provision "for one day was thirty measures of fine flour, and threescore measures of meal, ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, an hundred sheep, and roe-bucks, and fallow deer, and fatted fowl." What a prodigious expence this would come to, provided commodities were as dear as they are now in Britain? Three hundred bushels of fine flour, six hundred bushels of meal, ten fat oxen, twenty out of the pastures, an hundred sheep, and a vast quantity of venison and fowls, forty thousand horses for chariots, and twelve thousand horsenien. There is three millions for you at once; and if you please to add the pensions of the great officers, and other contingencies for the year, you may perhaps make as much. A most extravagant peace establishment! And, above all this, the people were oppressed with labour in building houses; for, besides the temple, the king's own house cost a vast expence, and held the people employed for thirteen years. And, what was worst of all, they were not left at their liberty, but levied out of the tribes to carry on the king's works; thirty thousand cutting down timber in Lebanon, threescore thousand bearing burdens, and three thousand three hundred officers set over them, all labouring like slaves to advance the glory of one man. No wonder the people complained of an heavy yoke. It is true, the silver and the gold were plentiful; but they were of little value, and in that case were no true riches. Solomon's East India Company brought in a large quantity of foreign commodities; but as these were only luxuries of life, they added no true riches to the nation, but introduced corruption and dissipation. Apes and peacocks are but trifling commodities,-some

thing like the trinkets which are introduced from China to England, very gaudy to look at, but exceedingly unprofitable to the consumer. Perhaps there never was a poorer country under so rich a king, as Israel was in the latter part of Solomon's reign. His household expences, and that of his government, in the time of peace, were very extravagant. Three hundred concubines and seven hundred wives were not easily supported. Besides, vice became very predominant during the time of Solomon's apostacy, and the nation was groaning under oppression. This was the reason of all Israel laying their petitions of grievances before the young king, when he came to the throne. The text informs us, that "Rehoboam went to Shechem, for all Israel were come to Shechem for to make him king." Does not this, my Lords, strike you with a manifest idea, that hereditary right, without the consent of the people, gives no man a title either to government or a kingdom. Solomon's son was his heir, but could not reign, till he was chosen by the people. This was both natural and reasonable, whatever casuists may say to the contrary. Had Rehoboam taken it in this view, he would not have had his dominions curtailed in the manner they were. The people asked nothing but what was reasonable, and presented a very humble petition. "Thy father made our yoke grievous; now therefore make thou the grievous service of thy father, and his yoke which he put upon us, lighter." Was there any thing unreasonable in all this? They did not want all burdens removed, but only some hard services lessened. There was no disloyalty in this request; they certainly had a right to petition their king for a redress of grievances, and they used their right very modestly. The king took three days to consider the subject. One would have thought he needed not to have taken an hour, the matter was so plain; but he had his ministers to consult. And had he taken the advice of his father's counsellors, all had been well; for they advised him right, and gave him wholesome counsel: " And they spake unto him, saying, If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day, and wilt serve them, and answer them, and speak good words unto them, then will they be thy servants for ever." Could there be a wiser and safer advice, my Lords, than this? It was as much the duty of the sovereign to hear their petition as their's to obey his lawful commandments. He was their servant, they his; and it was their mutual interests to serve each other. All sovereigns, in a moral view, lose their right to rule others when they turu oppressors; their government is no longer an ordinance of God than it is consistent with his moral will. Were we, my Lords, to reason upon this subject, it would be natural to inquire, what is the will of God concerning this point, and whether it is right of every man to know the divine mind concerning civil government? And whether, upon supposition that the practice thereof is palpably opposite to divine rules, every man has a right tọ

judge

judge of the difference, and form his conduct accordingly? There are two rules to be observed in this inquiry: the first is, what the law of nature and reason dictates, and what the will of God requires? Reason and the law of nature are the same in all things they teach concerning right and wrong; and revelation does not differ from them, though there are some who have the benefit of the first that have not the privilege of the latter. If either the established laws of nations or the temporary mandates of states are contrary to these, they cannot be lawfully obeyed. In this case any man may resist them without sin; and in case he is not able to resist, he ought to suffer rather than obey them. It is alleged, that the vulgar are not capable of judging concerning principles of government;-I answer, they are then not capable of being guilty of transgression; for where there is a want of capacity of judgment there can be no sin. This is a dangerous argument, my Lords, and exposes government to the violence of every one who can overturn it with impunity. You have no defence against any person in this case who is resolute, except superior strength; for the gallows will not frighten a man who is not conscious of guilt, if he has any degree of natural fortitude. Try to persuade the vulgar that there is any case in which they cannot sin, and you will soon perceive what opera tion it will have upon them. But when you tell them they are not judges of your manœuvres of state, they will soon tell you that they cannot transgress what they do not understand; and that you require of them more than the Deity requires of them, or even supposes; for be requires no duty without first allowing men to judge of his laws, and makes no laws beyond the reach of their understanding. That foolish threadbare maxim of minor politicians ought to be totally given up,-that the vulgar are not qualified to judge of matters of state. Why do your Bishops give them confirmation? Why do you administer oaths unto them? And why are they admitted to the sacrament, if they are so stupidly ignorant? Does any thing that comes through the fingers of government require more real understanding than those that have been just mentioned. All the common people may not be qualified, to understand financiering, or how to manage a sinking fund; but if the grounds of government were kept clear, no such thing would be wanted. This is only a medicine for a disease in government, that has been brought on by folly, and continued by madness. And be assured, that even amongst the lowest class of the people many understand the theory of financiering as well as the First Lord of the Treasury; and with regard to practice, his wisdom cannot be much admired on some occasions. To annex penalties to laws that are not self-evidently founded in natural justice and the reyealed will of God, and obvious to the meanest capacity, is just as unreasonable as to punish a man for not running so fast in the midst of pitchy darkness as when it is clear sunshine.

But,

But that the people have a right to judge of government and governors, by divine approbation, is plain from the story before us, which we shall pursue till we come to the fall of Adoram. My Lords, it is now three days since we heard of Rehoboam and the people of Israel; he has had both good and bad counsel given him during this period. He rejected the counsel of the old men, and advised with those that were grown up with him and stood before him, looking for preferment no doubt, for which most men always reckon themselves qualified. I almost tremble to read over their advice to this infatuated monarch:"And the young men that were grown up with him spake unto him, saying, Thus shalt thou speak unto this people, that spake unto thee, saying, Thy father made our yoke heavy, but make thou it lighter unto us; thus shalt thou say unto them: My little finger shall be heavier than my father's loins. And now whereas my father did lade you with an heavy yoke, I will add to your yoke; my father hath chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with scorpions." Ah! what a foolish and wicked advice, my Lords. There were vigorous measures for you. But it is one thing to form a scheme, and another to put it in execution; your Lordships know this from experience. How were the people astonished at such a cruel answer to their dutiful petition! It would amaze them; but we are sure it vexed them. It is evident, the king imagined that a little steadiness and perseverance would humble the pride of the people; they would fall out among themselves, and would not continue in their opposition; that it was all owing to Jeroboam, and a few factious leaders among them, who could not long continue to agree among themselves;-that if they once saw but a few royal troops, well appointed, they would soon return to their duty;that a raw undisciplined militia could never make head against men who were inured to discipline, and understood war, and had the sanction of royal authority. All these things would, no doubt, be affirmed by the young ministry, and believed by the king. But one thing is certain, that from this time forward the ten tribes were never subject to the house of David; for the text affirms, that " Israel rebelled against the house of David," and never were reconciled to the government of it. Rehoboam, when he saw how far matters would go, and threatenings had no effect, wanted to try negotiation; but, as he was unfortunate in the choice of a ministry, he was unhappy in the choice of a commissioner to bring about a reconciliation. Adoram, a man of all others unfit for such an office, was sent with powers to treat with the revolted tribes. It would have required a man of character, of temper, and of great wisdom, to have managed such a weighty and tender piece of business. A man that had been a taskmaster over hewers of wood and bearers of burdens in Lebanon, was not fit to bring about a reconciliation of this sort. The people had not yet forgot his management when he was over

the