dressed to the emperor Antoninus, and to the senate of Rome. He states the case of his Christian brethren, complains of the unrighteousness and cruelty with which they were every where treated, in being punished merely because they were Christians, without being accused of any crimes; answers the usual objections against them, and desires no greater favour than that the world might be really acquainted with their case. His appeal seems to have produced no impression upon those to whom it was addressed. Justin and six of his companions were seized and carried before Rusticus, the præfect of the city of Rome, where many attempts were made to persuade them to obey the gods and comply with the emperor's edicts. Their exhortations had no effect. "No man," says Justin, "who is in his right mind can desert truth to embrace error and impiety." And when threatened, that unless they complied they should be tortured without mercy, " Dispatch us as soon as you please," said the disciples," for we are Christians, and cannot sacrifice to idols." On saying which, the governor pronounced the following sentence, that " for refusing to sacrifice to the gods, and to obey the imperial edicts, they should be first scourged and then beheaded according to law," which was immediately carried into effect.*

The history of the reign of this philosophic emperor abounds with similar instances of unrelenting cruelty on the part of the magistracy, and of patient suffering for Christ's sake on that of his disciples. Justin Martyr, in the account he gives of the martyrdom of Ptolemæus assures us, that the only question asked him was, “ Are you a Christian?" And upon his confessing that he was one, he was immediately put to death.† Lucius was also put to death for making the same confession, and for asking Urbicus the prefect why he condemned Ptolemy, who was + Second Apology, ch. 42.

* Cave's Life of Justin. VOL. I.

Y

neither convicted of adultery, rape, murder, theft, robbery, nor of any other crime, but merely for owning himself to be a Christian. Hence it is sufficiently manifest that it was the mere name of a Christian that was still made a capital offence, and that while these inhuman proceedings were sanctioned by an emperor who made great pretensions to reason and philosophy; they were carried on for the purpose of supporting a system of superstition and idolatry repugnant to every principle of reason and truth. These cruelties were exercised on persons of the most virtuous characters, for their adherence to the worship of the one true God, the first principle of all true religion.

How precious, in those times especially, must have been the consolatory sayings of Jesus Christ; and what but an unshaken confidence in his almighty power and faithfulness could have supported the hearts of his people in such trying circumstances ?*

Towards the close of the reign of this emperor (A. D. 177.) the flame of persecution reached a country, which has hitherto afforded no materials for ecclesiastical history, viz. the kingdom of France, in those days called Gallia. By whom or by what means, the light of the glorious gospel was first conveyed into that country, we have no certain information; for the first intelligence that we have of the fact itself, arises from the account of a dreadful persecution which came upon the churches of Vienne and Lyons, two cities lying contiguous to each other in that province. Vienne was an ancient Roman colony: Lyons was more modern; and of this latter church the presbyters or elders were Pothinus and Iræ"Whoever," says Milner, "casts his eye on the map of France, and sees the situation of Lyons, at present the largest and most populous city in the kingdom, ex

neus.

*John xiv. 27. xv. 18-23. xvi. 23. xvii. 24.

cept Paris, may observe how favourable the confluence of the Rhine and the Soane, on which it stands, is for the purposes of commerce. The navigation of the Mediterranean, in all probability was conducted by the merchants of Lyons and Smyrna, and, hence the easy introduction of the gospel from the latter place, and from the other Asiatic churches is apparent."*

That it was in some such way as this Christianity was first planted there, seems probable also from this circumstance, that not only the names of Pothinus and Iræneus, the pastors of the church at Lyons, are Grecian, but that also the names of several other distinguished persons in these churches prove them to have been of Greek extraction. And when we reflect upon the cruel persecutions by which the friends of Jesus had been harrassed both in Greece and Asia Minor, it seems not unreasonable to expect that they should seek an asylum from the storm in these cities. The churches, too, though they appear to have been but recently planted, were evidently very numerous, at the time this terrible persecution overtook them. When the violence of the storm had in some measure subsided, a pretty copious account of it was drawn up, as is supposed by Iræneus, in the form of an epistle from the churches of Vienne and Lyons to the brethren in Asia and Phrygia. We are indebted to Eusebius for preserving it from oblivion, in his Ecclesiastical History, and I incline to the judgment of Dr. Lardner when he pronounces it" the finest thing of the kind in all antiquity."+

* Church Hist. vol. i. p. 225.

+ Credibility of the Gospel History, part 2. But though I bow with great deference to the judgment of Dr. Lardner, I must be allowed to say that the style in which this letter is drawn up does not meet my fancy, It is much too laboured to correspond with the melancholy nature of the subject. It is not the simple, natural, unaffected language of a feeling heart. We We must, however, remember that Iræneus was a Greek, and that the Greeks were great admirers of eloquence.

Eusebius gives it as a specimen of what was transacted in other places; and that the reader may have some notion of the savage rage with which this persecution was carried on, not only with the connivance, but with the knowledge and approbation of this philosophic emperor, I shall give a copious abridgement of the account. The epistle opens with the following simple address

"The servants of Christ, sojourning in Vienne and Lyons in France, to the brethren in Asia propria and Phrygia, who have the same faith and hope of redemption with us; peace and grace, and glory, from God the Father and Christ Jesus our Lord." They then declare themselves unable to express the greatness of the affliction which the saints in those cities had recently sustained, or the intense animosity of the heathen against them. Christians were absolutely prohibited from appearing in any house, except their own, in baths, in the market, or in any public place whatever. "The first assault came from the people at large-shouts, blows, the dragging of their bodies, the plundering of their goods, casting of stones, with all the indignities that may be expected from a fierce and outrageous multitude-these were magnanimously sustained. Being then led into the forum by the tribune and the magistrates, they were examined before all the people whether they were Christians; and on pleading guilty, were shut up in prison until the arrival of the governor. Before him they were at length brought, and "he treated us," say they, "with great savageness of

manners."

Vettius Epigathus, one of their brethren, a young man full of charity both to God and man-of exemplary conduct-a man ever unwearied in acts of beneficence, was roused at beholding such a manifest perversion of justice, and boldly demanded to be heard in behalf of the brethren, pledging himself to prove that there was nothing

atheistic or impious among them. "He was a person of quality"—but however equitable his demand was, it only served to excite the clamour of the mob, and to irritate the governor, who merely asked him if he was a Christian, which he confessed in the most open manner, an for which he was immediately executed. Others imitated his confidence and zeal, and suffered with the same alacrity of mind. In process of time ten of their number lapsed, "whose case," say they, "filled us with great and unmeasurable sorrow." This appears to have much dejected the churches, and to have spread a general alarm, "not that we dreaded the torment," say they, "with which we were threatened, but because we looked forward unto the end, and feared the danger of apostacy." The vilest calumnies were propagated against them atthis time-they were accused of eating human flesh, and of various unnatural crimes; "of things," say they, "not fit even to be mentioned or imagined, and such as ought not to be believed of mankind." The rabble became incensed against them even to madness-and the ties of blood, affinity, or friendship, seem to have been wholly disregarded. "Now it was," say they, " that our Lord's word was fulfilled- the time will come when whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God service." The martyrs sustained tortures which exceed the powers of description. "The whole fury of the multitude, the governor, and the soldiers, was spent in a particular manner on Sanctus, a deacon of the church of Vienne, and on Maturus, a late convert indeed, but a magnanimous wrestler in spiritual things; and on Attalus of Pergamus, a man who had been the pillar and support of our church; and on Blandina, a female who was most barbarously tortured from morning to night, with the intent of extorting from her a confession which should criminate her brethren; but "it was an evident refreshment, support,