history, are related upon his own authority. The narrative, as might be expected from the circumstance of its being thus hastily made up, is not so connected in the details, nor so completely executed, as if the author had, at more leisure, and after resorting to other sources of information, revised and extended it, and filled up some of the chasms, and corrected some slight errors. These deficiencies have, however, been partially supplied by the well written and judicious additions made by the editor. (a)

THOMAS ADDIS EMMET was born in Cork, Ireland, about 1765. He was, it seems, very respectably descended and connected. His father, Robert Emmet, Esq. of that place, was able to give him every advantage of education, and he was early placed at the university of Dublin, with the design of his becoming a physician. In the latter part of his life, he repre

(a) Mr. Charles Glidden Haynes, the author of this memoir, was born at Canterbury, New Hampshire. At about the age of fourteen he was a clerk in the office of Col. Philip Carrigain, then Secretary of that state. He afterwards, partly by his own exertions and partly through the assistance of his friends, was educated at Middlebury College, in Vermont, where he was graduated in 1816. He studied law in Middlebury, in the office of the Hon. Horatio Seymour, and at the same time turned to account the hours he borrowed from his professional reading, by giving his assistance in editing a newspaper. He afterwards prosecuted and completed his studies in New York city, in the office of Pierre C. Van Wyck, Esq., who, as well as Judge Miller, who filled the office of Surrogate, appear to have been friendly to him. Through their introduction he became acquainted with Governor Clinton, to whom he soon after became private secretary. He was thus thrown into the vortex of New York politics, and seems to have taken always an active, and often a pretty efficient part, in support of the party and the measures of Governor Clinton. In November, 1824, he was appointed by Governor Clinton Adjutant-General of the state of New York. He was one of the unsuccessful candidates of the city of New York for Congress at the election made about the same time. He was an active promoter of all liberal and useful public undertakings, to which he devoted much of his time. He was also, it seems, concerned in conducting the American Law Journal,' published at New Haven in 1822 and 1823, and wrote the articles in that work on Penal Jurisprudence,' and Equity Jurisprudence of New York.' It could hardly be expected that he should gain a very elevated rank in his profession, at his early age, and among this variety of pursuits, which diverted him from his professional studies and practice. Had his constitutional strength, however, been equal to his zeal and intense application, he must have attained a very respectable rank in his profession, notwithstanding the other objects of pursuit, to which he was borne along by his connexion in party politics, and other avocations, into which he was led by philanthropy, public spirit, and a generous ambition. But his frame sunk under his unremitted labors and excitement; and after an ineffectual resort to a residence in South Carolina, in the winter of 1824-5, he died on the 3d of July, 1825, at the age of thirty-two, after his return to New York; having passed the short period of his active life in the enjoyment of the warmest private esteem and of public distinctions very honorable, and rarely attainable, to one of his age.

sented himself as having been an idle boy; but he seems to have done his boyhood some injustice in this respect, for he appears to have made good proficiency in the mathematics, as he occasionally resorted to these studies in after life, as an amusement in the intervals of his professional engagements. He was still more successful in his study of the classics, and was not deficient in other accomplishments, as he is, in particular, said to have been fond of hunting, and an expert horseman. From the Dublin school he went to Edinburgh to pursue his medical studies, where he became acquainted with some young Americans, who were then pursuing their studies there, namely, Dr. Samuel L. Mitchell and Dr. Rogers, of New York, and Dr. Caspar Wistar, (a) of Philadelphia. He also made an acquaintance with (now Sir) James Mackintosh, which was subsequently renewed in London. Young Emmet pursued his medical studies with great assiduity at Edinburgh, and distinguished himself by a Latin thesis at the time of taking his degree, which was published, and gained him some reputation. On leaving Edinburgh, he went to the continent for the purpose of completing his medical education, where he is said, in this memoir, to have visited many of the most celebrated schools,' though we are not told what schools he visited, or how much time he passed at them; but it appears that his travels extended to Italy, and that he took Germany in his

route.

When he had now completed his medical studies, an event occurred, which entirely changed his plans, and diverted him to new professional studies. This event was the death of his elder brother, Christopher Temple Emmet, of whom Mr. Emmet always entertained a fond admiration, considering him one of the most promising young men Ireland had ever produced. Emmet's father was desirous that one of his sons should belong to the profession of the law, and he cheerfully complied with the wishes of his parent in this respect, and passed two years as a student at the Temple in London, and on his return to Ireland, began practice in Dublin, and soon after, in 1791, was married to the lady who subsequently gave heroical proofs of her conjugal attachment.

Mr. Emmet, accordingly, commenced his public and his professional career, in the dark and tempestuous period of the

(a) Printed Gaspar Wisner in the Memoir; we presume by mistake.

French revolution, and in a country agitated by the turbulence and convulsions, which then shook the social system to its deepest foundations. Nor was he himself an inactive spectator of this warfare of the political elements. He mingled in the thickest of the tumult, and this in Ireland, where popular movements are prompted by ancient grudges, and deep and fell resentment against the predominating government. The spirit of the nation, which had long, in a vengeful mood, brooded darkly and silently over the recollection of past and the feeling of present wrongs, was at this time elevated in a patriotic ecstacy, and contemplated with rapture the dawn of emancipation which seemed to them to illumine their political horizon. Associations were formed, at first to obtain redress of grievances; but in 1795, the object was changed, the nation promised itself complete deliverance from England, and the approaching era of Irish independence and glory was hailed through the island with a general enthusiasm. But the national vengeance was destined to be stifled unappeased, and these transports were only a prelude to discomfiture and dis

asters.

Revolution and independence having become the professed objects, all the partisans of the national restoration, including indiscriminately protestants and catholics, were, in 1795, organized into that vast imperium in imperio, the Society of United Irishmen. The members were initiated with solemn oaths of secrecy. The society, consisting, in 1796, of half a million of Irishmen, was, as usual in similar cases, wielded by committees. The members were divided into small classes, not exceeding thirty-six in each, and whenever any class began to exceed that number, it was divided. The members of the subordinate committees were elected, in the classes of members, by ballot, every three months. But the two central executive committees were more permanent. In 1796, the association was marshalled in two organizations, the civil and military, the same members constituting both. Each of these had its officers of various grades, and it was supposed the society could have sent out three hundred thousand soldiers; and they were all instructed to furnish themselves, as far as possible, with arms and ammunition. There were two central executive committees, the civil and military. Mr. Emmet was a member of the former. He was thus placed in the focus of this incipient revolution. He was one of the engineers of this

terrible machine, the tremendous powers of which could not be put into operation without exposing those by whom it was. managed, to be the first victims, in the event of its explosion.

While he was placed in this perilous position, he was at the same time actively engaged in professional practice in the same courts with Curran, who, though devoted to the cause of the the revolution, kept a little aloof from its busiest scenes, that he might be more free to interpose in behalf of those associates who might be pursued by the government. Though Mr. Emmet seems to have gained thus early a conspicuous eminence at the Irish bar, and was thought, by some, to have surpassed Curran in eloquence, as he certainly did in learning and powers of reasoning, he did not prominently appear in the state trials which sprung out of the conspiracy; at the request of his associates, he generally declined taking an active part in these trials, as he would thereby have drawn upon himself a more strict scrutiny of the government, and the association have been thus deprived of his important services as a member of the executive committee.

In the spring of 1798, the revolutionary enterprise was drawing to a crisis. The 23d of May was appointed for a simultaneous rising throughout Ireland; but, on the 12th of March preceding, one of the leading conspirators was arrested, and the others soon after, including Mr. Emmet. The vital energies of the conspiracy were thus destroyed, before it had declared itself, so that when it broke out at the time appointed, it made but feeble and ill-concerted efforts, and it was completely crushed as early as July, by the rout at Vinegar Hill. And thus passed away the bright vision of Irish emancipation; and probably most fortunately for the nation,-for, though this memoir speaks of the independence of Ireland as synonymous with its liberty and glory, we have instances enough in history, and a multitude of examples now passing before our eyes, in which political independence is identified with degradation and misery. But we will not now debate the question whether Ireland would probably be better governed in connexion with England, or independently of it.

Mr. Emmet was now a close prisoner in a Dublin jail, with about twenty other patriots. They occupied separate apartments, but they gained the confidence of an underkeeper, who, about twelve o'clock every night, unlocked the doors of their apartments, which opened into a common hall, in which they

passed the remainder of the night until nearly morning, when they retired into their separate rooms and were again locked up. The room occupied by Mr. Emmet was about twelve feet square. Soon after his imprisonment, Mrs. Emmet was permitted to visit him, and having once gained admittance into his room, she declared that she would never leave it but with her husband, and she in fact occupied this apartment with him during the period of his imprisonment in Dublin, which was about six months. Though no compulsion was used to exclude her from the prison, the jailor was ordered not to admit her again, on her quitting it at any time. On one occasion, she did leave the prison to visit her sick child at her father's; and, to conceal her absence from the jailor, she made interest with his wife, who let Mrs. Emmet out at midnight, and conducted her through the jailor's apartments, and she remained with her child until the next night, when she was again admitted by the jailor's wife. During her absence she was represented by a bundle of clothes in the bed, and when the keepers came into the room, they were requested not to disturb Mrs. Emmet, who was afflicted by a headach. One of the jailors discovered her, on her return, just as she was entering her husband's room, but too late to prevent her from re-establishing herself there.

A negotiation took place between the representatives of the government, and Mr. Emmet and the other leading conspirators confined with him, which terminated in a compact that on their disclosing the plans and objects of the conspiracy, without divulging any names, they should be permitted to quit Ireland, and come to the United States. They accordingly made a particular statement of this kind, dated on the 4th of August, with which, however, Lord Cornwallis was not satisfied, as it contained, according to his views, a vindication of all the acts of the United Irishmen. The government then proposed an examination of the prisoners, who, in reply to the questions put, boldly avowed their plan of effecting an entire revolution, and an entire separation from England. Lord Chancellor Clare said, 'Well, I cannot conceive the separation would last twelve months;' upon which Mr. Emmet replied, 'I declare to God, I think that if Ireland were separated from England, she would be the happiest spot on the face of the globe. Mr. Emmet,' said the Lord Chancellor, 'what caused the late insurrection?' Mr. Emmet replied, "The free quarters, the house burnings, the tortures, and the military executions, in the counties of