but at the same time its contracted to be the case, that he might ruin the views, selfishness, and jealousy. The royal cause while wishing to save it. aristocracy was not less the object of Finally, Marshal Victor, Duke de Belhis animosity, than it was of the most luno, in the important situation of democratic shopkeeper in the Fau- Minister at War, presented a combinabourg St Antoine. His morals were tion of qualities of all others the most austere, his probity universally known; important for a ministry of the Restohis manners harsh, his conversation ration. A plebeian by birth, a soldier cynical; respected by all, he was be- of fortune who had raised himself by loved by none; but he was a favourite his courage and capacity, a marshal of with the Liberal deputies, and possess- Napoleon, he conciliated the suffrages ed great weight in the Chamber, be- of the Liberals; a resolute character, a cause he was the enemy of their ene- determined minister, a faithful Royalmy-the noblesse. No contrast could ist, a man of intrepidity and honour, be more striking than the Minister of he carried with him the esteem and reForeign Affairs, M. Mathieu de Mont-spect of the aristocratic party. morency, exhibited. Born of the noblest family in France, inheriting from his historic ancestors their courage, their elevation of mind, and grace of manner, he had united to these qualities of the olden time the liberal ideas and enlarged views of modern society. Carried away, like so many of the young noblemen of the day, by the deceitful colours of the Revolution, he had at first been the warm supporter of its doctrines; and when their fatal tendency had been demonstrated by experience, he fled from France, and consoled himself on the banks of the Leman Lake with the intellectual conversation of Madame de Staël, the fascinating grace of Madame Récamier. Latterly, he had become devout, and was the steady supporter of the Parti-Prêtre; but he did not possess the habits of business or practical acquaintance with affairs requisite for his office, and was more fitted to shine in the saloons than the cabinet of the Foreign Office. M. de Peyronnet, the Minister of Justice, had been a barrister who had distinguished himself by his courage at the side of the Duchess of Angoulême at Bordeaux in 1815, and by his ability in pleading the cause of Madame Du Cayla, when claiming her children and fortune from her inexorable husband. His talent was remarkable, his fidelity to the royal cause undoubted, his zeal great, his firmness equal to any emergency. But his prudence and capacity were not equal to his resolution; and it was already feared, what the result too clearly proved

13. The first difficulty of the new Ministry was with the laws regarding the press; and this, situated as they were, was a difficulty of a very serious kind. The administration of the Duke de Richelieu had been overthrown, as is usually the case with a legislature divided as that of France was at that period, by a coalition of extreme Royalists and extreme Liberals, who for the moment united against their common enemy, the moderate Centre. But now that the victory was gained, it was not so easy a matter to devise measures which should prove acceptable to both. The first question which presented itself was that of the press, the eternal subject of discord in France, and, like that of Catholic emancipation in England, the thorn in the side of every administration that was or could be formed, and which generally proved fatal to it before any considerable period had elapsed. It was the more difficult to adjust any measure which should prove satisfactory, that the former Ministry had been mainly overthrown by the press, and M. Chateaubriand, who held a distinguished place in the new appointments, had always been the ardent supporter of its liberty, and owed his great popularity mainly to his exertions in its behalf. Nevertheless, it was obviously necessary to do something to check its licentiousness; the example of successful revolution in Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Piedmont, was too inviting not to provoke imitation in France; and it was well known to the Govern

galling it might be felt by that which was most dangerous, being addressed to the passions.

15. The "Gauche" in the Chambers, the Liberals in the country, rose up at once, and en masse, upon the project of a law being submitted to the deputies. "It is the slavery of the

ment that the secret societies, which | the most valuable part of public dishad overturned everything in those cussion, that which was meant to incountries, had their affiliated branches fluence the understanding, however in France. It was foreseen also, what immediately happened, that the great majority of the journals, true to the principle of Mr Tierney "to oppose everything, and turn out the Ministry," would speedily unite in a fierce attack upon the new administration. The necessity of the case prevailed over the dread of being met by the imputa-press, the entire suppression of its freetion of inconsistency, or the lingering qualms of the real friends of freedom of discussion; and a law was brought forward, which, professing to be based on the Charter, in reality tended to abridge the liberty of the press in several most important particulars.

dom, which you demand. Better live in Constantinople than in France, under such a government.' Nothing could exceed the violence with which the project was assailed, both by the Opposition in the Chambers and the press in the country. M. de Serres on 14. By this law, which was brought this occasion rejoined the ranks of the forward by M. de Peyronnet on the 2d Liberals, from which he had so long January, it was enacted that no peri- been separated: he distinguished himodical journal could appear without self by an eloquent speech against that the King's authority, excepting such part of the project which proposed to as were in existence on the 1st January withdraw offences against the laws of 1822; the delinquencies of the press the press from the cognisance of juries. were declared to fall exclusively under "The mask has fallen," said he; "we the jurisdiction of the royal courts, are presented with a law destructive which decided without a jury; they of the liberty of the press-one which, were authorised to suspend, and, in under pretence of saving our instituserious cases, suppress, any journal tions, in reality subverts them. The which published a series of articles proposed law strikes at the root of recontrary to religion or the monarchy; presentative government, for it goes the pleadings were permitted to be in to destroy intelligence in those who private, in cases where the court might are to exercise it. What is the present be of opinion that their publication condition of society? Democracy overmight be dangerous to order or public whelms us like a spring-tide. Legimorality. In the event of serious of-timate monarchy has nothing to fear fences against the law, during the interval of the session of the Chambers, the King was authorised to re-establish the censure by an ordonnance, countersigned by three ministers; but this power was to be transitory only, and was to expire, if, within a month after the meeting of the Chambers, it was not converted into a law. There can be no doubt that these provisions imposed very great restrictions upon the press, and, by withdrawing the offences regarding it from the cognisance of juries, rendered the punishment of them more expeditious and certain. Still, as it did not re-establish the censorship, and left untouched publications exceeding twenty leaves, it did not infringe upon

from a power which places the press under its safeguard; it is our adversaries who have exposed it to its real danger, by holding out its liberty as inconsistent with monarchical institutions. The press is a social necessity which it is impossible to uproot. The proposed law tends to destroy its utility by subjecting it to arbitrary restrictions. In vain, however, do you attempt this: its power will resist all your attacks, and only become the more dangerous from being directed against the throne, not the ministers who abuse its powers.' "We wish the Charter," replied M. Castelbajac in a voice of thunder, "but still more we wish the King: we wish for liberty,

but it is liberty without licence: un- | 1830, when they were entirely sucrestrained freedom of discussion is cessful. Every one was then foranother word for anarchy: the law ward to claim a share in the movement presented to us is peculiarly valuable, which had placed a new dynasty on for it brings back this difficult subject the throne, and which none then dared to the principles of the Charter. Re- call treason. Louis Napoleon was a spect religion, the laws, the monarch member of the Carbonari Society. -such are the laws which order demands; the liberty of the press can only be maintained by the laws which prevent its abuse. Such repression is the soul of real freedom." It is doubt-ing year was the time when it attained ful how, under ordinary circumstances, this difficult matter might have been determined; but the example of the ruin of monarchy in the adjoining states proved all-powerful with the majority in both Houses-the majority, however, a curious circumstance, being greater in the Commons than the Peers. In the former it was 82, the numbers being 219 to 137; in the latter 41, they being 124 to 83.

17. This most perilous and demoralising system was first introduced from Italy into France in the end of 1820, and the autumn of the succeed

its highest development, and when it became a formidable power in the State. Nothing could be conceived more admirable for the object to which it was directed, or better calculated to avoid detection, than this system. It was entirely under the direction of a central power, the mandates of which were obeyed with implicit faith by all the initiated, though who composed it, or where it resided, was unknown to 16. This victory on the part of the all save a very few. Every person adadministration was immediately fol- mitted into the ranks of the Carbonari lowed by a general organisation of was to provide himself with a musket, secret societies over all France, and bayonet, and twenty rounds of ballthe turning of the energy of democratic cartridge. All orders, resolutions, and ambition into the dangerous channel devices were transmitted verbally; no of occult conspiracy. Ever since the one ever put pen to paper on the busisecond Restoration and the Royalist ness of the association. Any revelaseverities of 1815, these societies, as tion of the secrets or objects of the already mentioned, had existed in fraternity was punished with death, France, and many of the leading men and they had bravoes ready at any of Opposition were initiated in them; time to execute that sentence, which but the events of this stormy year gave was pronounced only by the central them redoubled activity and import- committee, or to assassinate any perance. The example of Government son whom it might direct. The memoverturned, and the Liberals univer-bers were bound by the most solemn sally installed in power in Spain and oaths to obey this invisible authorItaly, was sufficient to turn cooler ity, whatever it might enjoin, without heads than those of the ardent repub-delay, hesitation, consideration, or inlicans of France. The Carbonari of quiry. The association borrowed the Italy established corresponding socie-illusions of the melodrama to add to ties over all the country, with the same signs, the same oaths, the same objects, the same awful denunciations of vengeance, in the event of the secrets of their fraternity being revealed. The existence of these societies, which were the chief means by which the revolutions of 1820 were brought about, was strenuously denied at the time, on both sides of the Channel, while the designs of the conspirators were in progress; but they have been fully revealed since

the intensity of its impressions : it had, like the German, its Geheim-gericht nocturnal assemblages, its poniards directed against the breast, its secret courts of justice, its sentences executed by unknown hands. It was chiefly among the students at colleges, the sub-officers in the army, and the superior classes of mechanics and manufacturers, that this atrocious system prevailed, and it had reached its highest point in the end of 1821. It has since

spread across the Channel; and those who are acquainted with the machinations of the Ribbonmen in Ireland, and the worst of the trades-unions in Great Britain, will have no difficulty in recognising features well known to them, perhaps by dear-bought experience.

18. M. Lafayette,* Manuel, and d'Argenson were at the head of these secret societies in France, and they had attained such an extent and consistency in the end of 1821 that it was thought the time for action had arisen, the more especially as the revolutions of Spain and Naples, which were mainly their work, had strongly excited men's minds, and the accession of the Royalist Ministry in France threatened danger if the execution of their measures was any longer delayed. It was determined to make an outbreak in several different places at once, in order to distract the attention of Government, and inspire a belief of the conspiracy having more extensive ramifications than it really had. Saumur, Thouars, Béfort, Nantes, Rochelle, and Toulon were the places where it was arranged insurrections should take place, and to which the ruling committee at Paris transmitted orders for immediate risings. So confident were they of success, that General Lafayette set out from Paris to Béfort, to put himself at its head,

* "Cette fois, M. Lafayette, pressé sans

doute par les années qui s'accumulaient, et craignant que la mort ne lui ravit, comme à Moise, la terre promise de la liberté, avait manqué à son rôle de tribun légal, à son caractère, à son serment civique de député, à ses habitudes d'opposition en plein jour; et il avait consenti, au risque de la sécurité de sa vie, et de sa conscience, à devenir le moteur, le centre, et le chef d'une ténébreuse conspiration. Toutes les sociétés secrètes des ennemis des Bourbons, et le Carbonarisme qui les résumait toutes en ce moment, parlaient de ses menées, et aboutissaient à lui."

and only turned back when near that town, on hearing that it had broken out, and failed of success. Béfort, in effect, was so filled with conspirators, and they were so confident of success, that they at length were at no pains to conceal their designs, and openly armed themselves with sabres and pistols, and mounted the tricolor cockade. The vigour and vigilance of the governor, however, and the fidelity of the garrison, caused the attempt to miscarry. M. de Tourlain, the governor, was shot by one of them; but the rest, including M. de Corcelles and Carrel, fled on the road to Paris, and met General Lafayette a few leagues from the gate, just in time to cause him to turn back to his chateau of La Grange, near that capital. Such was the energy with which the Carbonari removed all traces or proofs of the conspiracy, that Colonel Pailhis Tellier, and two or three others, who had been caught in the very act, alone were brought to justice, and escaped with the inadequate punishment of three years' imprisonment.

19. A more serious insurrection broke out, towards the end of February, at Thouars, where General Berton was at the head of the conspirators. In the night of the 23d February he set out from Parthenay, and surprised Thouars, where he made prisoners the brigade of gendarmerie, and published a proclamation, declaring the establishment of a provisional government, composed of Generals Foy, Demarcay, and Lafayette, M. Benjamin Constant, Manuel, and d'Argenson, at Paris. He next attempted an attack upon Saumur; but in that he was foiled by the intrepidity of the mayor, at the head of a body of young Royalists at the military school, and the commander of -LAMARTINE, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 26. See also, to the same effect, CAPEthe castle. Obliged to retreat, the FIGUE, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 308. insurgents soon lost heart, and disThe chiefs of this dark conspiracy were persed; and Berton himself sought General Lafayette and his son, M. Manuel, refuge in the marshes of Rochefort, Dupont de l'Eure, M. d'Argenson, Jacques Kochler, Comte Thiard, General Taragre, where he was at length arrested, along General Corbineau, M. de Lascelles, and M. with several of his accomplices. Their Merithou. General Lafayette was by all ac-guilt was self-evident: they had made knowledged to be the head and soul of the themselves masters of Thouars, and conspiracy.-LAMARTINE, Hist. de la Restau

ration, vii. 29, 30.

VOL. II.

proclaimed a provisional government.

P

Six of the leaders, including Berton and a physician, Caffé, were sentenced to death; but the lives of all were spared, at the intercession of the Duchess d'Angoulême, excepting the two last. Caffé anticipated the hands of justice by committing suicide in prison; but Berton was brought to the scaffold, and died bravely, exclaiming with his last breath, "Vive la France! Vive la liberté !"

was to overturn the existing government in every country, and establish purely republican forms of government. To carry it into complete effect, there was a central committee of three persons at Paris, whose mandates were supreme, and which all the inferior lodges throughout the kingdom were bound instantly, and at all hazards, to obey; and subordinate committees of nine members, whose mandates were equally supreme within their respective districts. A more formidable conspiracy never was brought to light, or one more calculated, if successful, to tear society in pieces, and elevate the most ambitious and unscrupulous characters to its direction. It is melancholy to think that Lafayette, d'Argenson, Manuel, and the leaders of the Liberal party in the legislature, were at the head of such a perilous and destructive association.*

et secourir mes frères."-Annuaire Histor

ique, v. 777.

"Il existe à Paris un grand comité d'orateurs, qui entretient des correspondances chaque département un comité de neuf memavec tous les départements. Il y a dans bres, dont l'un est président.

20. Still more important consequences followed a conspiracy at Rochelle. It originated at Paris, on the instigation of General Lafayette, who directed a young and gallant man, named Bories, a sub-officer in the 45th regiment, to proceed from Pau, with some of the privates of his regiment, whom he had enrolled in the ranks of the Carbonari, to that city, in order, with the aid of the affiliated there, to get up a revolt. They were betrayed, however, before the plot could be carde tenir avant toute chose à la liberté; d'afried into execution, by one of their fronter la mort en toutes les occasions pour accomplices, at the very time when les Carbonari; d'abandonner au premier sigthey were concerting with the emis-nal le trésor de mon propre sang, pour aider saries of General Berton a joint attack upon Saumur. Most important articles of evidence were found upon them, or from the information to which their apprehension led; among others, the cards cut in two, and the poniards, marked with their number in the vente or lodge, which had been put into their hands by Lareche, an agent of Lafayette. From the declarations of these prisoners, and others apprehended with them, a clue was obtained to the whole organisation of the Carbonari in France, ascending, through various intermediate stages, to the central committee in Paris, presided over by Lafayette himself. These revelations were justly deemed of such importance that the trial of the accused was transferred to the capital, and conducted by M. Marchangy, the King's Advocate, himself. The oath taken by the affiliated bound them to face any peril, even death itself, in support of liberty, and to abandon, at a moment's warning, their own brothers by blood to succour their brethren among the Carbonari.* The object of the association * The oath was in these terms: "Je jure

"Ce comité correspond avec ceux de l'arrondissement, et avec le grand comité. Il y a dans chaque arrondissement un comité composé de cinq membres, dont l'un est président.

"Les chevaliers de l'ordre doivent être pris: 1. Parmi les jeunes gens instruits des 2. Les étudiants de colléges, et des écoles de droit, de médecine et d'autres. 3. Les anciens militaires réformés, retraités ou à demi-solde. 4. Les possesseurs de biens nationaux. 5. Les gros propriétaires dont les opinions sont parfaitement connues. 6. Ceux qui professent les arts libéraux, avocats, médecins, et autres. 7. Les sous-officiers de l'armée active, rarement les officiers, à moins qu'ils n'aient donné des preuves non équivoques de leur manière de penser.

villes et des campagnes.

"Le récipiendaire sera instruit verbalement de l'existence de la société, du but qu'elle se propose, ensuite il prêtera le serment suivant:

des chevaliers de la liberté. Si je viens à les "Je jure d'être fidèle aux statuts de l'ordre trahir, la mort sera ma punition.

"C. signifie chevalier; V., vente; V. H., haute vente; V. C., vente centrale; V. P., cousin."-Procès de Bories, &c., No. ix. vente particulière; P., Paris; B. C., bon nuaire Historique, v. S01, 802.

An