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be yet remote from a satisfactory arrange- | called emancipation?" The answer was,

ment.

Mr. Parnell defended his hon. friend, who might well be warranted in doubting of the policy of the Union, when the Imperial parliament was made the scene of disseminating religious dissentions, instead of diffus ing, as had been promised by the authors of the union, political rights, by the extinction of religious divisions.

as the hon. gent. had stated, that they did not understand it, and that they would not give the value of the ink in the pen with which the clerk was writing for it. This was, perhaps, true; but then this question was followed by another, viz. "what he thought would have been the effects of granting this emancipation?" The reply was, that there was nothing the rebel leaders dreadMr. Wilberforce had listened with great ed so much; as it would have taken the peasatisfaction to the statements of the hon. santry out of their hands entirely, and commover, because he had thrown some light pletely destroyed their hopes of establishing upon the situation of the Irish poor. He a republic in Ireland. This was the real wished that the gentlemen from Ireland state of the case. The hon. gent. then prowould always endeavour to enlighten the ceeded to state, that in voting for the Union, house with regard to the internal state of he had combatted his earliest prejudices and that country. This would be much more feelings, and supported it with a view to the important with respect to the poor of that security of all establishments, and the reCountry than the discussion of any great storation of a firm and lasting tranquillity to political privileges. Dr. Mc. Nevin, one of Ireland. He had done so under direct the persons who had been engaged in the pledges on this subject sanctioned by the rebellion, had stated in answer to a question greatest names, and he never would have put to him, when examined before a com- concurred in it on any other terms. But mittee of the Irish house of commons, that now, when he saw the evils aggravated, and the peasantry would not give the value of none of the expected good effects produced, the ink in the pen with which the clerk was he, speaking for himself only, declared, writing, for emancipation. The real hap- that the Union was barren and nominal, and piness of the people depended more on the that no great benefit could result from connature of their connection with their land-tinuing it.-The motion was then put and holders and tytheholders, than upon those carried. privileges. One of the best effects which he hoped for from the Union was the additional light which it would enable us to procure with respect to the situation of the people of Ireland. If Irish gentlemen, and members of parliament, would study and point out measures, calculated to promote the internal comfort and prosperity of Ireland, they would do far more real service to their country, than by recriminating upon those who could not hazard the strong measures they might wish. Whatever difference of opinion there might be as to higher questions of policy, all, he trusted, would concur in endeavouring to promote the reformation of the abuses in that country; and with this view, he wished it to be considered, whether it might not be possible for the voluntary exertions of the great landholders themselves to correct these abuses?

Mr. Maurice Fitzgerald begged leave to give an accurate and entire statement of the circumstance to which the hon. gent. had just adverted. This he could do with the most perfect correctness, as he had been a member of the Irish Committee. The question asked was, "what value the great body of the Catholics attached to what was

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, April 21. [CAPTURE OF MONTE VIDEO.]-The Earl of Moira rose, to call the attention of the house to certain observations and erroneous reports that had been sent abroad respecting a deficiency in the quantum of ammuni tion with which the troops were furnished in the attack on Monte Video. Nothing could be more cruel and mischievous than the dissemination of such rumours, without any concomitant explanation to account for the circumstance they alluded to. What must the soldiers feel, if they were taught to believe that they were sent into the field to encounter all its dangers, and expose their lives, without being provided with the usual and adequate means that might render their valour efficacious, and give them an equality of chance with the enemy? So far from that being the case, he believed he might venture to assert, that so far from the troops being left without a due proportion of ammunition, he was pretty certain, that a somewhat greater proportion of ammunition than what had been allotted to a similar service (the capture of the Cape of Good Hope),

The Earl of Galloway would leave to the house to judge of the defence set up by the noble lords opposite. He should stand upon the ground he had originally taken, and content himself with observing, that the general, employed by the late administration, had complained of the situation in which they had placed him; the officer, who achieved the capture of the Cape, had performed his duty, and made no complaint against any one. -After a few words in explanation, the motion was agreed to.

had been furnished to the troops who storm- to the actual want of that article, but to ed Monte Video, but who were not destined the difficulty of introducing it within the for that service. Indeed, the difference of trenches. the nature of the two expeditions would shew, that the proportion of ammunition was larger on the part of those who were not destined for an expected attack. But these matters would be placed in their proper light by the return to the motion which he should now have the honour of submitting to their lordships. The noble earl then concluded with moving an humble address to his majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to order, That there be laid before the house an account of the quantity of ammunition shipped on board the expedition, under the command of sir S. Auchmuty, and of the quantity usually furnished for similar expeditions".

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The Earl of Galloway conceived himself to be somewhat the cause of the observations thrown out by the noble lord who spoke Jast. It was true, that he had animadverted on the deficiency of ammunition under which the brave troops laboured who had so gallantly stormed Monte Video. In making that observation he had rather in view to reflect additional lustre on that achievement, than to aim any attack by a side wind, ør otherwise, on the late administration. No doubt, the inevitable inference from his remarks was a censure so far on the late ministry, but he did not single out any departof that government, much less any inment dividual, as the peculiar object of his animadversion. If, however, the cap seemed to fit the noble earl, it was for that noble earl further to explain himself: he certainly was surprised that any noble lord, who belonged to the late administration, could have so far let himself down as to justify his conduct by squeezing it upon that of his predecessors in office, whom it was the constant study and practice of the late administration to disparage and decry in the public estimation.

Earl Spencer defended the character of the late ministry, and observed, that the noble earl (Galloway) should have waited the return to the motion, before he proceeded to animadvert upon the conduct of the late go'vernment. For his own part,' he never disparaged the merits of the capture of the Cape of Good Hope; on the contrary, he was among those, who valued that possession much higher than any, perhaps, of the present ministry.

The Earl of Moira, in explanation, observed, that the deficiency of ammunition, alluded to in the dispatches, was hot owing

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, April 21.

[MINUTES.]-On the motion of lord Porchester, it was ordered, that Drake, who was confined in Newgate under an order of the house, should be brought up to-morrow, to give evidence before the committee on the Westminster Election Petition.-Mr. White presented at the bar the following list of the committee chosen to try the merits of the Petition complaining of an undue return for Aberdeenshire: Tho. Bernard, R. Dawson, D. Jephson, sir J. B. Warren, John Patteson, Scrope Bernard, W. Taylor, D. S. Dugdale, lord Headley, E. Baillie, sir C. Hawkins, lord John Thynne.-Nominees, H. Erskine, sir J. Montgomery.

[PENRYN ELECTION - SIR C. HAWKINS.]-Mr. A. Wright moved the further consideration of the report of the committee upon the Penryn Election, which being read accordingly, and also the order for the attendance of sir Christopher Hawkins,

The Speaker stated, according to the custom in similar cases, that then was the time for the hon. bart. to deliver his sentiments upon the subject of the charge advanced against him.

Sir C. Hawkins, being present in his place, said, he should leave his case entirely to the justice and liberality of the house, and then withdrew.

Mr. A. Wight said, that nothing was more remote from his wishes than to hurt the feelings of the hon. baronet in question. The proceeding he was about to take, was not matter of option but of duty. The parties in the Penryn election were strangers to him. The situation he had the honour to hold on the committee was the sole cause why he called the attention of the house to the transactions contained in the report. The report contained ample grounds for the motions, he

Captain Herbert had hoped that he should have had abler assistance in the defence of the hon. baronet and that he should not have been left to manage the whole case by himself, inadequate as he was to such a task He had particularly to lament the absence of an eminent gentleman of the law (sir A. Pigot), on whose support the hon. baronet particularly relied. Some important affidavits also were expected.

Sir W. W. Wynne thought the house ought to be cautious of procrastination. A threat of dissolution had been thrown out, and reports to that effect were very current. If therefore, the house wished to mark its sense of the offences contained in the report now under its consideration, it ought to do so before it should be bereft of the power by the execution of the unparliamentary menace he referred to.

Mr. Lee Kech said, that as a member of the committee alluded to, he was convinced that there never was a stronger case made out for the consideration of the house, and it became them, consistently with their dignity, to come to an immediate determination thereon. He looked upon the proceedings by the Attorney-General as the most moderate course that could possibly be adopted, under the circumstances of the case. The Committee had shown every disposition of leaning towards the accused; and, therefore, instead of proceeding further of their own accord, had made it the

was about to submit. The laws which secured to the people a free and unbiassed exercise of the elective franchise, would be but a mere dead letter if the proceedings enumerated in the report were not animadverted upon. He was aware that no gentleman engaged in a controverted election, without depending much on the assistance of friends and agents, and the house would allow the benefit of that consideration, so far as it would weigh in estimating this case. But, he lamented to say, that in the present in stance, the hon. baronet had committed the offences charged upon him, not by others but by himself. The former patron of the borough of Penryn having withdrawn, it was resolved by a large party of the electors to look out for a new patron, meaning by a patron a person who either was to be a can didate for the borough himself, or to recom mend a candidate. The terms agreed upon by these electors on which to sell their votes and interest, were 24 guineas a vote, and 10 guineas to each of the overseers. A deputation, at the head of which were a Mr. Stona and the Rev. R. Dillon, waited on sir C. Hawkins, to whom he admitted the first offer was made, and the terms being acceded to, articles were drawn up and signed. These papers the committee had not been able, with every exertion, to get brought forward. But there was the parole evidence of a person of the name of Moon, who was himself one of the parties, of a Mr. Hitchcombe, and of a Mr. Chiltern, steward to sir C. Haw-subject of a special report. If the house kins, to prove the facts, and the payment of should be of opinion that any suspension of a sum of money, by the direction of sir C. procedure should take place, he should bow Hawkins, to Stona, how much Mr. Chil- with deference to their determination; but tern, though otherwise trusted in money as a member of that committee, he protestmatters, could not say, and an order to a per-ed against any suspension whatever. son of the name of Rowe, to distribute this Mr. Hurst did not see the case in so strong money among the voters. Mr. Chiltern a light as the honourable member; and in a could not say whether the notes were large or small, or how many were in the parcel. But there was proof that notes had been sent and distributed to the voters. The minutes of the evidence were before the house, and he felt it unnecessary to make any comment on them. The house would deal with them according to its own feelings. He should move, first, that the house should agree in the resolution of the committee, declaring that sir C. Hawkins had been personally, and by his agents, guilty of bribery and other corrupt practices in the late Penryn election; and he should then move, that the Attorney-General be directed to prosecute sir C. Hawkins, and the others implicated in the said offences.

case in which the feelings and the character of one of its Members were so much called in question, the house was called upon to give every possible facility to the defence.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer suggested, that the house could take no affidavits into account, and that his hon. and learned friend, who had been alluded to, could probably attend without inconvenience to-morrow.

Mr. Bankes wished to know from the hon. mover, whether there was any precedent for an instruction to the attorney general, to prosecute in a case of this kind; he had himself inquired, and he believed there was no precedent for such an instruction, without some further proceeding.

Mr. Wright was not aware that there was

any precedent: but he thought the proceed- [ry into the ground of the removal of the ing he suggested the most consonant to late governor of Curacoa, and the appointthe case. The debate was then adjourned ment of another (a connection of the right till to-morrow. hon. gent. Mr. Windham), that he had brought forward his motion.

HOUSE OF LORDS

Wednesday, April 22.

Mr. Windham thought the motion objectionable, because no parliamentary ground [SCOTCH JUDICATURE BILL.]-Lord had been laid for it. The usual course on Erskine took a brief retrospect of the pro- the capture of any enemy's settlement was ceedings hitherto had relative to the to appoint a provisional governor, until his Scotch Judicature Bill, and observed that he majesty's pleasure should be taken upon the considered it of importance, previous to the subject, and a governor appointed under the motion of his noble and learned friend on the sign manual. Captain Brisbane had been woolsack, for rejecting the present bill, that appointed the temporary governor, as sir certain questions should be put to the Scatch David Baird had at the Cape, and as had Judges, the answers to which might per- been the case at the capture of the Cape, haps give a new turn to the opinion of the last war, for certainly lord Macartney had house. It was his wish, if the house should not been the conqueror of the Cape. If agree to these questions being put, that thee hon. colonel should ask why captain Judges should be treated with all that respect Brisbane had not been continued in the gowhich the house shewed towards the Judges vernment, he had only to answer, because of England, and that they should be allow-another had been appointed. It would be ed such time as they might think necessary to answer them. He therefore gave notice, that he should to-morrow move to put certain questions to the Scotch Judges in attendance; and concluded by moving, that the lord president and two senior Judges of the Court of Session, and such other Judges of that Court as may be in town, should attend the house to-morrow.-Ordered.

for the house to determine, whether the hon. gentleman's motion should be entertained on this ground, and after what they had heard lately of interference with the king's prerogative, he did not think the house would go into an inquiry, why his majesty had thought proper to appoint this or that person governor of that Island. If the person who had been appointed, was not qualified for the office, either by his profession or his services, the house might inquire. would be a bad rule in general that the per

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Lord Grenville stated, that he had been summoned to attend a committee of the house of commons as a witness. Their lordships were aware, that there was a stand-son who conquered an Island should be coning order which prohibited lords of parliament from attending the house of commons, or any committee thereof, without the permission of the house. If however, the house would give him permission he had no objection to attend.-The Lord Chancellor moved, that the noble lord have permission to attend. Ordered.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

tinued in the government of it. The man who made a musical instrument was not always the best to play upon it. There was, however, another question to be considered, whether Captain Brisbane himself would have liked that office? as an active command was thought generally preferable to the government of an Island. But it was for the house to decide whether the motion should be agreed to, or not.

Lord Castlereagh felt himself involved in considerable difficulty by the motion of the hon. Colonel. The house would be sensible that there was no instance of the exercise of the royal prerogative in which they ought so

Wednesday, April 22. [GOVERNOR OF CURACOA.]-Colonel Wood moved, that there be laid before the house a copy of the letter of admiral Dacres to the lords commissioners of the admiralty, dated 8th Jan. 1807, inclos-little to interfere, as the appointment of his ing a letter from captain Brisbane, dated Jan. 1. 1807, communicating the intelligence of the capture of the island of Curacoa. The hon. colonel, on being reminded by the Speaker, that it was usual for hon. members, when moving for public papers, to state the ground upon which they called for them, declared that it was with a view to an inqui

officers by his Majesty. Many of the officers who had achieved conquests, had attracted particularly the attention of the crown, and were continued in the government of the settlements they conquered. But that was not a general or an absolute rule. As, therefore, the hon. colcnel had not stated as the ground of his motion, that the per

son who had been appointed was unfit for the office, he hoped he would save the house the delicacy of deciding upon a question, for which he neither had made out, nor professed to make out any case, by withdrawing his motion, especially as any discussion upon such a question, would rather detract from, than enhance the high and distinguished character of that galiant officer, who was the particular object of the motion.

the debate to be resumed, was, That the house do agree to the first resolution of the special report of the committee, namely, that sir C. Hawkins, by himself and his agents, was guilty of bribery and corrupt practices, with a view to influence the last election for Penrhyn.--On the question being put,

Captain Herbert rose. He said he was disposed to allow the special report of a committee every due weight and authority; but was of opinion, that the house had the right to inquire into and discuss the grounds of that report. If a special report were fi

Colonel Wood said, he had brought forward his motion only in defence of the rights of a gallant officer, who had great claims upon his country. He did not mean in the smallest degree to object to the gen-nal, then the first proceeding of the house tleman who had been appointed; but as it would be to order a prosecution. But the appeared to be the sense of the house, that house, on the contrary, ordered the minutes the motion should not be entertained, he of the evidence to be laid on the table, in orhad no difficulty in withdrawing it, at the der to examine whether the report was same time observing, that it would be more borne out by that evidence. It was for the for the interest of the country, that minis-house to consider, whether the mortification ters should appoint persons of high claims to such offices, rather than provide for their own connections.

[THIRD MILITARY REPORT]-Lord 4 Hamilton rose, and, in allusion to a notice which he had given upon a former day, of a motion on the subject of the Third Report of the Commissioners of Military Enquiry, respecting the case of Mr. Alexander Davison, he now begged to ask the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer, whether any proceedings had yet been taken by government, in consequence of that part of the report? or whether it was the intention of his majesty's present government to follow up that business in the same spirit as their predecessors?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer informed the noble lord, that no change whatever had taken place in the proceedings or intentions of government upon that subject; but he understood it was the intention of the preceding government that some further enquiry should take place previous to the commencement of any process, civil or military, thereon. He had felt it his own duty to make some enquiry as to the further proceedings which had since taken place, and he found that no diligence or exertion had been wanting on the part of those to whom that subject was referred, towards bringing it to a speedy issue.

[PENRYN ELECTION-SIR C. HAWKINS.] -Mr. Atkins Wright moved the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate upon the Special Report of the Penryn Election Committee.

The Speaker stated, that the question in

of the person concerned, and the penalties to which he was subject, were not sufficient punishment without any further prosecution. Besides, unless the evidence were such, as to be satisfactory to the minds of a jury, the question ought not to be sent into a criminal court, because the acquittal by a jury, would take from the weight of a decision by a committee of that house. The hon. gent. then proceeded to comment upon various parts of the evidence to shew that the hon. bart. had not been intentionally guilty. He shewed that the evidence of Stona and Moon was contradictory with respect to the agreement, and that there was no evidence whatever that could be made the ground of a decision in a court of law. There was no proof of any agreement, or that any agreement had been acted upon : and he put it to the house whether, upon this doubtful evidence, they would, by agreeing to the resolution, prejudge a question that was to go to a jury. It was not unusual with the house to pass over special reports of committees, for instance, in the Berwick and Cricklade cases. And upon these grounds he moved an amendment, that the debate be adjourned to this day three months.

Lord A. Hamilton had attended particularly to the evidence for the last five weeks, and declared the impression upon his mind to be the very reverse of that stated by his hon. friend. This appeared to him one of the strongest cases that had ever been brought before parliament. He had served upon many committees, and knew the scrupulousness with which their reports were

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