those oaths, declarations, and tests, which are now required by law of persons admitted into offices and stations of civil trust and authority; and that the petitioners do verily believe, all these restraints and ob

employments of a civil or a naval and military nature, to be no other nor greater than are indispensably requisite for the maintenance and security of the monarchy and the

relief, but consider them quite inadequate to produce that effectual relief to which the peutioners conceive themselves justly entitled; and that the petitioners humbly suggest the following measures as calculated to afford them further relief; namely, 1. Aligations, whether they have respect to reduction in the rate of duty on British plantation sugar: 2. That liberty be given to the colonies to barter sugar and coffee, as well as rum and molasses, with the American states, in return for lumber and other neces-church, as they are now happily established saries, for a needful supply of which the colonies depend on an intercourse with those states: 3. That permission be granted to the distillers and brewers, to use sugar in their respective processes, when its price, compared with that of grain, may induce them so to do; and therefore praying, that these measures, or such of them as may be deemed expedient by the house, or other measures adequate to the relief of the Petitioners, under their present burthens and distress, may be adopted and passed into a Law."--Ordered, That the said petition be referred to the consideration of the select committee, to whom the petition of several planters, merchants, mortgagees, annnitants, and others, interested in the British West India colonies, is referred.

in this united kingdom; and therefore praying, that the above-mentioned bill may not pass into a law; and that the house in its wisdom will be pleased still to maintain and preserve inviolate those laws, which experience has proved to be the best safe-guards, under divine providence, of our present happy constitution both in church and state." Ordered, That the said petition do lie upon the table until the said bill be read a second time.

[ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.] Earl Percy rose in pursuance of the notice he had given to move for leave to bring in a bill for the gradual abolition of slavery in his majesty's colonies in the West Indies. His lordship expatiated feelingly on the wanton cruelties exercised on the unhappy negroes in the plantations, as developed in the late discussions. The object of his bill was to prevent the repetition of horrors, at the very idea of which every man in that house must shudder. If it had been established, as he trusted it had been established, that the slave trade was contrary to the principles of justice, humanity and sound policy, and that there fore it ought to be abolished; it necessarily followed, that slavery itself was contrary to the principles of justice, humanity and sound policy, and ought also to be abolished, It was, however, by no means his intention to propose any immediate abolition; what he had in view was, that the children of slaves born after a certain time to be fixed by the legislature, should be free; and thus a gradual and ultimately a total extinction of this barbarous usage would take place. His lordship concluded with moving That leave be given to bring in a bill, for the gradual abolition of slavery in his majesty's colonies in the West Indies." On the question being put,

[PETITION FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD AGAINST THE ROMAN CATHOLIC ARMY SERVICE BILL.] The Marquis of Titchfield presented a petition from the chan cellor, masters, and scholars, of the university of Oxford; taking notice of the bill for enabling his majesty to avail himself of the services of all his liege subjects in his naval and military forces, in the manner therein mentioned; and setting forth, "That the petitioners contemplate, with much concern and anxiety, the progress of a bill, which in their apprehension, if it should pass into a law, will break down one of the strongest barriers, raised by the wisdom of our ancestors, for the defence and security of our civil and religious establishments; and that the petitioners cannot look forward without very serious alarm to the consequences of repealing so important a portion of the statute 25 Car. II. cap. 2, commonly called the Test act, and of granting to persons of all religious persuasions an unrestrained admission into situations even Lord Henry Petty, although it was im of the highest naval and military command; possible for him not to respect the motives and that the petitioners see much reason to and participate in the feelings of his noble apprehend that the said bill, if it should friend, yet deprecated any discussion of this pass into a law, may lead to the removal subject at the present moment. The abo also of every similar restraint in matters of lition of the slave trade, and emancipation civil concern, and to the abrogation of all of the slaves, were two distinct questions

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he now repeated, that the sole point which they had in view was, the abolition of the slave trade, and not of the emancipation of the slaves. The enemies of the abolition had always confounded these two objects; the friends of the abolition had always diştinguished them.

Captain Herbert deprecated any discussion on this subject. If a hope remained that the colonies might be saved, the only mode of realizing that hope, would be by shewing that the house would not for a moment ad

and it had also been maintained by the lead- with having gained an object which was safeing characters in that house, that, in conside-ly attainable; they had always declared what ring the one, the other ought to be excluded from their contemplation. To emancipate the negroes, would not be to add to their happiness, even if the legislature had a right to interfere with the property of the colonies. All that could be done by this country with safety and effect had already been done. He put it, therefore, most respectfully, but most strongly, to his noble friend, either to withdraw the motion for a bill to abolish slavery, or to concur in the previous question, which he felt it to be his duty to move. Mr. Eden said, that in all great and im-mit the proposal for emancipation. portant questions time was given for the parties, whose interests were affected, to petition against the measure. The present motion was precipitate, and precluded the parties from that opportunity. He would also ask, was the noble lord or any one else prepared to offer any remuneration to the colonists, if they should be deprived of the services of the slaves and their children? This was a measure which would be fraught with ruin to the colonists, and should therefore have his decided opposition.

Mr. Wilberforce, had the motion proceeded from a less respectable quarter, would have been as glad as the hon. baronet that it had been made, beeause it would shew that he (Mr. W.), and those who thought with him, made the distinction between the aboJition of the trade and the emancipation of the slaves, and not only abstained from proposing the latter, but were ready to reject such a proposition when made by others. How much soever he looked forward with anxious expectation to the period when the negroes might with safety be liberated, he knew too well the effect which the long continuance of abject slavery produced upon the human mind, to think of their immediate emancipation; a measure, which, at the present moment, would be injurious to them, and ruinous to the colonies. He, and those who acted with him, were satisfied

Mr. Sheridan, after the anxious expectation which he had last night expressed, that the bill then passed was but the preamble of the ultimate measure of emancipation, thought that he should be guilty of the grossest inconsistency in giving a silent vote on the present question. With these sentiments he need scarcely say, that the noble earl had his thanks for having directed the attention of the house to this important subject, even at that early period. The noble earl's statement had been misrepresented. He had never proposed to enfranchise the living negroes; his measure, as he understood him, was to commence with infants born after a period, which would remain a matter of future parliamentary discussion. The planters were entried to fair dealing on this subject. If the house meant to say, that by abolishing the slave trade they had done all that duty demanded, and that they would leave the emancipation of the slaves to the hazard of fortuitous circumstances, let them be explicit, and say so; but if there lurked in any man's mind a secret desire to proceed in that business, a secret conviction that more ought to be done than had been done, it was unmanly, it was dishonourable, not to speak out. For one, he would boldly declare that he had further views; he hoped, that the young nobleman who had done his feelings so much credit, by the proposition which he that evening made, would stand to his ground. If he persevered in the pursuit of his object with the same zeal as his Hon. friend (Mr Wilberforce) had done, he had no doubt that he would meet with the same success. An hon. bart. had talked of a cloven foot; he pleaded guilty to the cloven foot, but he would say that of the man who expressed pleasure at the hope of secing so large a portion of the human race freed from the

shackles of tyranny, it ought rather to be said, that he had displayed the pinion of an angel than the cloven foot of a demon. It was true no immediate connection existed between the abolition of the Slave trade and the abolition of Slavery, but the same feelings must be roused by the consideration of both questions; and he who detested the one practice, must also detest the other. He did not like to hear the term property applied to the subjects of a free country. Could man become the property of man? A colony emanating from the free constitution of England must carry with it the principles of that constitution, and could no more shake off its well-known allegiance to the constitution than it could shake off its allegiance to the sovereign. He trusted that the planters might be induced to lead the way on the subject of emancipation; but he cautioned the house against being too sanguine on this subject. Were the planters themselves always resident on the islands, he should have greater hopes; but it was not probable that because cargoes of human misery were no longer to be landed on their shores, that because their eyes were to be no longer glutted with the sight of human suffering, or their ears pierced with the cries of human distraction in any further importation of negroes, that the slave-drivers would soon forget their fixed habits of brutality, and learn to treat the unhappy wretches in their charge with clemency and compassion. Slavery would not wear itself out; it would become more rigid, unless the legislature became more vigilant, and reminded the planters of the new duty that had fallen upon them, of rearing the young slaves in such a manner, that they might be worthy of freedom. Adverting to a quotation from the historian Gibbon, be contended, that the slavery of the West Indies was unlike any other slavery; it was peculiarly unlike the slavery of ancient days, when the slaves frequently attained to the highest dignities. Esop, Terence, and Seneca were slaves. Was there a possibility that any of the unfortunate negroes now in the West Indies should emulate such men ? | It might be dangerous to give freedom to the slaves in a mass, but that it was not dangerous to give it to them in detail, was sufficiently proved by a little pamphlet that had been put into his hands the preceding night, in which it was stated, that a Mr. David Barclay, to his eternal honour be it spoken, who had himself been a slave owner in Jamaica, and who, regretting that VOL. IX.

he had been so, on a bequest of slaves being
made to him, emancipated them, caused
them to be conveyed to Pennsylvania, where
they were properly instructed, and where
their subsequent exemplary conduct was the
general theme of admiration. With this
fact before him, should he be told that he
must give up all hope of abolishing slavery?
No, he would never give it up. He would
exclaim with the Poct, in the words of the
motto of the pamphlet which he had men-
tioned,

"I would not have a slave to till my ground,
"To carry me, to fan me when I sleep,
"And tremble when I wake, for all the wealth
"That sinews bought and sold have ever earn'd."

Mr. Wilberforce, in explanation, denied ever having disavowed his wish that freedom should ultimately be communicated to the slaves. He had deprecated the discussion at present, because he looked to the gradual improvement of their minds, and to the diffusion among them of those domestic charities which would render them more fit, than he feared they now were, to bear emancipation.

Mr. Peter Moore, however strongly he had advocated the abolition, was against immediate emancipation. The abolition would ameliorate the condition of the slaves, by forcing the West India planters to treat them well, and they would ultimately be prepared to receive freedom. He hoped the noble lord would withdraw his motion, that he would turn his mind to the object with deliberation, and look at it remotely."

Mr. Manning was proceeding to state the result of his experience in the colonies when Sir C. Pole moved that the house be countOnly 35 members being present, the House immediately adjourned.

ed.

HUOSE OF LORDS.

Wednesday, March 18.

[SLAVE TRADE ABOLITION BILL.] Mr. Wilberforce, lord Howick, and several members of the house of commons, brought up the Slave Trade Abolition bill, agreed to with amendments.

Lord Grenville called the attention of the house to this subject, which he considered one of the most important that could occupy the attention of their lordships. With respect to the amendments made in this bill, he was satisfied they were calculated to carry its principles better into effect. was, however, necessary, that time should be given for consideration, and he therefore moved that the bill, with the amend

It

ments, be printed. Ordered. His lordship | deavour to come to that result, which, then stated, that if the prints should be on whilst in his judgment it would tend to rethe table before Monday, he should move medy the evil that existed, would not viothe consideration of the amendments on that late the act of union. He doubted whether day. the court of review should not be rather sought in the chambers of the court of session, similar to our court of exchequerchamber, with relation to the courts in Westminster-hall, than rendered a distinct court superior to the court of session, which he was inclined to think not consistent with the articles of union.

SCOTCH JUDICATURE BILL.] Lord Grenville said, that in consequence of what had passed in the late discussion of this measure, and of the consideration which he had since been enabled to give to the subject, he thought it would be more advisable to empower the committee to separate all that part of the bill which related to trial by jury, from the other parts which related to the division of the court of session into three chambers, and the formation of a court of review. He thought this mode would be better than that of which notice had been given on the former night of discussion by a noble and learned lord, namely, to strike out in the committee all the clauses which related to trial by jury, as, if this latter mode was adopted, it might lead to a supposition that it was intended to abandon altogether the proposed introduction of trial by jury. On the contrary, he hoped that that part of the plan would ultimately be adopted by their lordships. As, however, there was considerable difference with respect to the means of carrying this desirable object into effect, and as, with respect to the division of the court of session into three chambers, there was scarcely any difference of opinion, and but little on the subject of the formation of the court of review, these parts of the plan might be adopted with much less delay, if considered in a separate bill, than if they remained incorporated with the clauses relating to trial by jury. He should therefore move to postpone the committee to Monday, intending, on that day, to move the instruction which he had before stated, and in the consideration of that part of the subject respecting the division of the court of session and the court of review, it was his intention to propose several amendments.

The Lord Chancellor declined entering at present into a detailed consideration of the subject, but he had no doubt that in the proper stage of the bill he should be able to convince their lordships that the difficulties in the way of the introduction of trial by jury in civil cases into Scotland were much less than were apprehended; that, on the contrary, it would be comparatively an easy task, whilst at the same time it would be a most beneficial measure to that country.

Lord Melville merely wished to throw out for consideration the necessity which in his opinion existed of adopting means to bring causes to greater maturity in the outer house, without which he thought the proposed measure would not produce any thing like the beneficial effect expected from it. With this view he thought it would be more advisable to have only two chambers in the inner house, whose sole business it should be to review the decisions given in the outer house, where, from the larger portion of time allowed to the judges for transacting business, that business might be done well. If, however, it was determined to have three chambers, he thought that one of those chambers should be allotted solely to the business of the outer house, in which case, from the single responsibility attached to the judges, every thing that could result from efficiency and from solemnity of decision might be expected. His only object was, that the measure should undergo the most serious and attentive discussion.

Lord Eldon thanked the noble lord for having thus given farther time for the consi- The Earl of Lauderdale rose chiefly for deration of that part of the subject which the purpose of doing away any impression was involved in considerable difficulty, that might result from what had been said namely, the trial by jury. He had no doubt by the noble viscount, that his noble friend, that the trial by jury might, in some cases, who had proposed the measure, had not be beneficially introduced into Scotland; given to it the most anxious consideration. but great consideration would be required He agreed with the noble viscount in the newith respect to the means of carrying it into cessity of adopting some means of doing the effect, in order that it might not produce in- business in the outer house in a better manjury instead of good. With respect to the ner, as it had been calculated that a lord other part of the subject, he would give it of session, in consequence of the multiplievery consideration in his power, and en-city of other business, had only 63 hours in