spirit of reform and democracy extinguished by force and formulas, he knows it is onward with a power that nothing can stay. He sees too that the financial condition of the country requires new taxes and the removal of restrictions on corn. He knows that manufactures and commerce are declining, and that free trade alone can revive them. He knows that the intelligent part of the nation are in favour of radical alterations in the Tariff. He is also aware of the inequality and injustice of the present system of representation. Neither has he forgotten the history of the Reform Bill, and the danger of resisting the popular will beyond a certain point. He is conscious that Ireland cannot be governed by a Tory ministry acting on Tory principles, and he does not attempt it. So far is plain-why not then do what a just policy demands? He fears his party, composed of high Tories, the hierarchy, and the great landed interests. To remove commercial restrictions with a liberal hand, would give commerce an ascendency over the latter. This would reduce the revenues of the landocracy and through them the income of the Church. His party are jealous of these interests.

On the other hand are an awakened and indignant people declaring in no baby tones that it is better 30,000 land owners should be deprived of a few luxuries, than that twenty millions should lack the necessaries of life,-should grow desperate with want and send the torch of revolution

through the land, or lie quietly down to be devoured by famine. He understands the import of this people's language. He knows that this at least is one of those cases in which words are indeed things. Thus he stands between two hostile parties, each menacing him with vengeance if he betrays their interests. He is truly to be pitied. No man in the empire possesses his powers-but they are not equal to the task before him. An impossibility he cannot accomplish. Yet he attempts it when he would silence the clamors of the people and at the same time secure to the aristocracy their privileges and power.

In this dilemma, knowing he cannot still the storm and lay the tempest that is bursting over the land, by words, he declares a reduction in the Tariff necessary, and urges with all the power he can master, his income tax through Parliamentboldly declaring that his party must accept his scheme entire, or find another prime minister to do better for them if he can. But his Tariff Bill will afford only partial relief, and the Income Tax will in the end come out of the people. The land owner will pay it, and then reimburse himself by increased rent and reduced wages of his tenantry. Besides, it is designed only to meet the increased expenditure of the Government-not to reduce the taxation which already crushes the people. It is as a substitute for more taxation, not to lessen that which exists. His whole scheme is a sedative not a cure, and he knows it. But

he must do what he can. The increased expenditure must be met,-the slaughtered regiments in Affghanistan must be replaced. But the necessaries of life have been taxed he candidly says, all they can bear. The only resort therefore is to introduce an extraordinary, a transient remedy for a permanent and a growing evil: and this is the end, even of Sir Robert Peel's statemanship. This trifling he must practise, or increase at once the burdens of the people; or strike at the entire system of oppression and thus be hurled from the helm of government down to the ranks of the Chartists. To save himself and his party, and in the mean time prevent insurrection and civil war, he endeavours to put off the evils he cannot cure, and hopes that future remedies may be found for future exigences. He can take heed only for the present the future must take care of itself.

Whatever convulsions are threatened in the future, the aristocracy are determined to hold fast to their emoluments and power. The strongest of all motives, personal fear, has failed to alter their determination. Yet they are troubled, and dare not look the future in the face-hoping for some change; some relief not now discernible, they evade as long as possible the final struggle to which the people are urging them. They forget that when a forced crisis comes it always involves the destruction of those who neglected to provide for it.

BOOK THE TENTH.

THE PROGRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLE.

I cannot however believe that the Creator made man to leave him in an endless struggle with the intellectual miseries that surround us: God destines a calmer and more certain future to the communities of Europe. It appears to me beyond a doubt, that sooner or later we shall (in Europe) arrive like the Americans at an almost complete equality of conditions.-De Tocqueville.

We appeal to all competent observers, whether all the moral elements of an American state of society are not most rapidly growing up among us.-Edinb. Review.

The result of the long struggle between the Patricians and Plebeians of Rome was their perfect equality; and incontestibly this is the tendency of modern Europe.-Raumer.

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