Conference be

These papers have already been considered, and | was thrown out. These gentlemen met at the separated, as they cught to be, from the charge. house of Mr. Thelwall, on the 11th of April I will now lay before you all the remaining 1794, and there published the resolutions already operations of this formidable conspir- commented on, in conformity with the genera tween the two acy, up to the prisoner's imprisonment objects of the two societies, expressed in the let Bocieties. in the Tower. Mr. Hardy having re-ter of the 27th of March, and agreed to continue ceived the letter just adverted to regarding a second convention, the Corresponding Society wrote the letter of the 27th of March, and which was found in his handwriting, and is published in the first Report, page 11. This letter, inclosing the resolutions they had come to upon the subject, was considered by the Constitutional Society on the next day, the 28th of March, the ɔrdinary day for their meeting, when they sent an answer to the Corresponding Society, informing them that they had received their communication that they heartily concurred with them in the objects they had in view, and invited them to send a delegation of their members to confer with them on the subject.

to meet on Mondays and Thursdays for further
conference on the subject. The first Monday
was the 14th of April, of which we Dificulty of
have heard so much, and no meeting bringing it about
was held on that day. The first Thursday was
the 17th of April, but there was no meeting; the
21st of April was the second Monday, but there
was still no meeting; the 24th of April was the
second Thursday, when the five of the Corre-
sponding Society attended, but, nobody coming
to meet them from the other, nothing, of course,
was transacted. On Monday, the 28th of April,
three weeks after their first appointment, this
bloody and impatient band of conspirators, see-
ing that a Convention Bill was in projection, and
that Hessians were landing on our coasts, at last
assembled themselves; and now we come to the
point of action.59 Gentlemen, they met; they
shook hands with each other; they Actual result
talked over the news and the pleasures
of the day; they wished one another a good even-
ing, and retired to their homes: it is in vain to
hide it, they certainly did all these things. The
same alarming scene was repeated on the three
following days of meeting, and on Monday, May
the 12th, would, but for the vigilance of govern-
ment, have probably again taken place; but on
that day Mr. Hardy was arrested, his papers
seized, and the conspiracy which pervaded this
devoted country was dragged into the face of
day. To be serious, gentlemen, you have liter-

have just stated; in which you find ten gentlemen, appointed by two peaceable societies, con versing upon the subject of a constitutional reform in Parliament, publishing the result of their deliberations, without any other arms than one

Now what were the objects they concurred in, The objects of and what was to be the subject of their conference. conference between the societies by their delegates? Look at the letter, which distinctly expresses its objects and the means by which they sought to effect them. Had these poor men (too numerous to meet all together, and therefore renewing the cause of parliamentary reform by delegation from the societies) any reason to suppose that they were involving them selves in the pains of treason, and that they were compassing the King's death, when they were redeeming (as they thought) his authority from probable downfall and ruin? Had treason been imputed to the delegates before? Had the imagining the death of the King ever been suspected by any body? Or, when they were pros-ally the whole of it before you in the meetings I ecuted for misdemeanors, was the prosecution considered as an indulgence conferred upon men whose lives had been forfeited? And is it to be endured, then, in this free land-made free, too, by the virtue of our forefathers, who placed the King upon his throne to maintain this freedom-supper-knife; which, when I come to the subject that forty or fifty thousand people, in the different parts of the kingdom, assembling in their little societies to spread useful knowledge, and to diffuse the principles of liberty—which the more widely they are spread, the surer is the condition of our free government—are in a moment, without warning, without any law or principle to warrant it, and without precedent or example, to be branded as traitors, and to be decimated as victims for punishment! The Constitutional Society having answered the letter of the 27th of March, in the manner I stated to you, committees from each of the two societies were appointed to confer together. The Constitutional Society appointed Mr. Joyce, Mr. Kidd, Mr. Wardle, and Mr. Holcroft, all indicted; and Mr. Sharpe, the celebrated engraver, not indicted, but examined as a witness by the Crown. Five were appointed by the Corresponding Society to meet these gentlemen; namely, Mr. Baxter, Mr. Moore, Mr. Thelwall, and Mr. Hodgson, all indicted, and Mr. Lovatt, against whom the bill

of arms, I will in form lay before you. Yet for this, and for this alone, you are asked to devote the prisoner before you, and his unfortunate associates, to the pains and penalties of death; and not to death alone, but to the eternal stigma and infamy of having conceived the detestable and horrible design of dissolving the government of

Isle of Wight, from Germany, in 1794, in readiness 59 A body of Hessian troops were landed on the for a projected expedition against France. The Opposition insisted that such an introduction of foreign troops, without the consent of Parliament, was illegal; but the motions declaratory of the illegality of the proceedings were negatived, and Mr. Pitt refused to countenance a Bill of Indemnity. This, though well intended by Mr. Pitt, was an unfortunate measfree discussion by force. The great evil was, that ure. Many considered it as designed to put down it gave an opening for rash men to mislead the people, and represent these troops as called in to en slave them. There is reason to believe that this was one main reason why some were induced to prepare pikes and other weapons.

their country, and of striking at the life of their | idence I shall state in its place, seems to be a Sovereign, who had never given offense to them, nor to any of his subjects.

arms when the arrests first took place.

Gentlemen, as a conspiracy of this formidable No mention of extension, which had no less for its object than the sudden annihilation of all the existing authorities of the country, and of every thing that supported them, could not be even gravely stated to have an existence, without contemplation of force to give it effect, it was absolutely necessary to impress upon the public mind, and to establish by formal evidence upon the present occasion, that such a force was actually in preparation. This most important and indispensable part of the cause was attended with insurmountable difficulties, not only from its being unfounded in fact, but because it had been expressly negatived by the whole conduct of government. For, although the motions of all these societies had been watched for two years together-though spies had regularly attended, and collected regular journals of their proceedings, yet when the first report was finished, and the Habeas Corpus Act suspended upon the foundation of the facts contained in it, there was not to be found, from one end of it to the other, even the insinuation of arms. I believe that this circumstance made a great impression upon all the thinking, dispassionate part of the public, and that the materials of the first report were thought to furnish but a slender argument to support such a total eclipse of liberty. 'No wonder, then, that the discovery of a pike, in the interval between the two reports, should have been highly estimated. I mean no reflections upon government, and only state the matter as a man of great wit very publicly reported it. He said that the discoverer, when he first beheld the long-looked-for pike, was transported beyond himself with enthusiasm and delight, and that he hung over the rusty instrument with all the raptures of a fond mother, who embraces her first-born infant, "and thanks her God for all her travail past."

Views of the
Sheffield re-

plain, blunt, honest man, and, by-the-by, which must never be forgotten of any of them, the Crown's witness. I am not interested in the veracity of any of them; for (what I have frequently remarked) the Crown must take them for better for worse: it must support each wit ness, and the whole body of its evidence throughout. If you do not believe the whole of what is proved by a witness, what confidence can you have in part of it, or what part can you select to confide in? If you are deceived in part, who shall measure the boundaries of the deception? This man says he was at first for universal suffrage-Mr. Yorke had persuaded him, from all the books, that it was the best-but that he afterward saw reason to think otherwise, and was not for going the length of the Duke of Richmond; but that all the other Sheffield people were for the Duke's plan-a fact confirmed by the cross-examination of every one of the witnesses. You have, therefore, positively and dis tinctly, upon the universal authority of the evidence of the Crown, the people of Sheffield, who are charged as at the head of a republican conspiracy, proved to be associated on the very principles which, at different times, have distinguished the most eminent persons in this kingdom; and the charge made upon them, with regard to arms, is cleared up by the same universal testimony.

these pikes

GO

You recollect that, at a meeting held upon the Castle-hill, there were two parties in Reason for the the country; and it is material to at- preparatior of tend to what these two parties were. In consequence of the King's proclamation, a great number of honorable, zealous persons, who had been led by a thousand artifices to believe that there was a just cause of alarm in the country, took very extraordinary steps for support of the magistracy. The publicans were directed not to entertain persons who were friendly to a reform of Parliament; and alarms of change and of revolution pervaded the country, which became greater and greater as our ears were hourly assailed with the successive calamities of France. Others saw things in an opposite light, and considered that these calamities were made the pretext for extinguishing British liberty. Heart-burnings arose between the two parties; and some-I am afraid a great manywickedly or ignorantly interposed in a quarrel which zeal had begun. The societies were disturbed in their meetings, and even the private dwellings of many of their members were illegally violated. It appears by the very evidence to the Crown, by which the cause must stand or fall, that many of the friends of reform were daily insulted, their houses threatened to be pulled

In consequence of this discovery, whoever (6) Prepara might have the merit of it, and whattion of pikes. ever the discoverer might have felt upon it, persons were sent by governformers. ment (and properly sent) into all corners of the kingdom, to investigate the extent of the mischief. The fruit of this inquiry has been laid before you, and I pledge myself to sum up the evidence which you have had upon the subject, not by parts, or by general observations, but in the same manner as the court itself must sum it up to you, when it lays the whole body of the proof with fidelity before you. Notwithstanding all the declamations upon French anarchy, I think I may safely assert that it has been distinctly proved by the evidence that the Sheffield people were for universal representation in a British May, 1792, and was directed against seditious meet House of Commons. This appears to have seenings, and publications. In support of this proclamathe general sentiment, with the exception a one tion, associations were formed in many places to witness, whose testimony makes the trut and sustain the government, and the magistrates took bona-fides of the sentiments far more striking: the very stringent measures, which were in some in witness I allude to (George Widdison), whose ev- stances hasty and irritating.

This proclamation was issued on the 21st of

down, and their peaceable meetings beset by pre-
tended magistrates, without the process of the
law. These proceedings naturally suggested the
propriety of having arms for self-defense, the first
and most unquestionable privilege of man, in or
out of society, and expressly provided for by the
very letter of English law. It was ingeniously
put by the learned counsel, in the examination
of a witness, that it was complained of among
them that very little was sufficient to obtain a
warrant from some magistrates, and that, there-
fore, it was as well to be provided for those who
might have warrants as for those who had none. |
Gentlemen, I am too much exhausted to pursue
or argue such a difference, even if it existed upon
the evidence. If the societies in question (how-
ever mistakenly) considered their meetings to be
legal, and the warrants to disturb them to be be-
yond the authority of the magistrate to grant,
they had a right, at the peril of the legal conse-
quences, to stand upon their defense; and it is
no transgression of the law, much less high trea-
son against the King, to resist his officers when
they pass the bounds of their authority. So much
for the general evidence of arms; and the first
and last time that even the name of
posing to Har the prisoner is connected with the
dore subject, is by a letter he received from
London. a person of the name of Davison.
am anxious that this part of the case should be
distinctly understood, and I will, therefore, bring
back this letter to your attention. The letter is
as follows:

Letter from
Sheffield pro-

tion of pikes in

I

"FELLOW-CITIZEN,-The barefaced aristocracy of the present administration has made it necessary that we should be prepared to act on The defensive, against any attack they may command their newly-armed minions to make upon us. A plan has been hit upon, and, if encouraged sufficiently, will, no doubt, have the effect of furnishing a quantity of pikes to the patriots, great enough to make them formidable. The blades are made of steel, tempered and polished after an approved form. They may be fixed into any shafts (but fir ones are recommended) of the girt of the accompanying hoops at the top end, and about an inch more at the bottom.

"The blades and hoops (more than which can not properly be sent to any great distance) will be charged one shilling. Money to be sent with

the orders.

"As the institution is in its infancy, immediate encouragement is necessary.

|

might provide pikes for themselves, in the same manner that Davison was recommending, through Hardy, to the people of London. Now what followed upon the prisoner's receiving this letter? It is in evidence by this very Moody, to whom the answer was to be sent, and who was examined as a witness by the Crown, that he never received any answer to the letter; and, although there was a universal seizure of papers, no such letter, nor any other, appeared to have been written. And, what is more, the letter to Norwich, from Davison, inclosed in his letter to Hardy, was never forwarded, but was found in his custody when he was arrested, three weeks afterward, folded up in the other, and unopened, as he received it. Good God! what is become of the humane sanctuary of English justice? Where is the sense and meaning of the term provably in the statute of King Edward, if such evidence can be received against an English subject on a trial for his life? If a man writes a letter to me about pikes, or about any thing else, can I help it? And is it evidence (except to acquit me of suspicion) when it appears that nothing is done upon it? Mr. Hardy never before corresponded with Davison he never desired him to write to him-how, indeed, could he desire him, when his very existence was unknown to him? He never returned an answer he never forwarded the inclosed to Norwich; he never even communicated the letter itself to his own society, although he was its secretary, which showed he considered it as the unauthorized officious correspondence of a private man; he never acted upon it at all, nor appears to have regarded it as dangerous or important, since he neither destroyed nor concealed it! Gentlemen, I declare I hardly know in what language to express my astonishment, that the Crown can ask you to shed the blood of the man at the bar upon such foundations. Yet this is the whole of the written evidence concerning arms; for the remainder of the plot rests for its foundation upon the parole evidence, the whole of which I shall pursue with precision, and not suffer a link of the chain to pass unexamined.

Witnesses in

respect to the

preparation Camage.

William Camage was the first witness. He swore that the Sheffield societies were be dispersed; so that the people in of pikes: frequently insulted, and threatened to general thought it necessary to defend themselves against illegal attacks. The justices peaceable and legal meetings, they thought they having officiously intruded themselves into their had a right to be armed; but they did not claim "Orders may be sent to the Secretary of the this right under the law of nature, or by theories Sheffield Constitutional Society. [Struck out.] of government, but as ENGLISH SUBJECTS, under "RICHARD DAVISON. the government of ENGLAND; for they say in "Sheffield, April 24, 1794." their paper, which has been read by the Crown Gentlemen, you must recollect (for if it should that would condemn them, that they were enescape you, it might make a great titled by the "BILL of RIGHTS" to be armed. difference) that Davison directs the Gentlemen, they state their title truly. The preanswer to this letter to be sent to Rob- amble of that statute enumerates the offenses of ert Moody at Sheffield, to prevent post-office sus- King James the Second; among the chief of picion; and that he also incloses in it a similar which was his causing his subjects to be disone which Mr. Hardy was to forward to Nor-armed, and then our ancestors claim this violaich, in order that the society at that placeted right as their indefeasible inheritance. Let

Hardy did not reply to the letter.

B

us, therefore, be cautious how we rush to the the London societies, wrote the letter to Hardy, conclusion that men are plotting treason against "of his own head," as the witness expressed it, the King, because they are asserting a right, the and that he, Widdison, made the pike-shafts, tc violation of which has been adjudged against a the number of a dozen and a half. Davison, he King to be treason against the people. And let said, was his customer. He told him that peous not suppose that English subjects are a ban- ple began to think themselves in danger, and he ditti, for preparing to defend their legal liberties therefore made the handles of the pikes for sale, with pikes, because pikes may have been acci- to the number of a dozen and a half, and one ke dentally employed in another country to destroy wise for himself, without conceiving that he of both liberty and law. Camage says he was fended against any law. "I love the King," said spoken to by this Davison about three dozen of Widdison, “as much as any man, and all that pikes. What then? He is the Crown's witness, I associated with did the same. I would not whom they offer to you as the witness of truth; have stayed with them if they had not. Mr. and he started with horror at the idea of violence, Yorke often told me privately, that he was for and spoke with visible reverence for the King: universal representation—and so were we all— saying, God forbid that he should touch him; THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S PLAN WAS OUR ONLY but he, nevertheless, had a pike for himself. In- OBJECT." This was the witness who was shown deed, the manliness with which he avowed it the Duke's letter, and spoke to it as being circugave an additional strength to his evidence. "No lated, and as the very creed of the societies. This doubt," says he, "I had a pike, but I would not evidence shows, beyond all doubt, the genuine have remained an hour a member of the society, sentiments of these people, because it consists of if I had heard a syllable that it was in the con- their most confidential communications with one templation of any body to employ pikes or any another; and the only answer, therefore, that other arms against the King or the government. can possibly be given to it is, that the witnesses We meant to petition Parliament, through the who deliver it are imposing upon the court. But means of the Convention of Edinburgh, thinking this-as I have wearied you with reiteratingthat the House of Commons would listen to this the Crown can not say. For, in that case, their expression of the general sentiments of the peo- whole proof falls to the ground together, since it ple; for it had been thrown out, he said, in Par-is only from the same witnesses that the very liament, that the people did not desire it them-existence of these pikes and their handles comes selves."

Broomhead.

before us; and, if you suspect their evidence in part, for the reasons already given, it must be in toto rejected. My friend is so good as to furnish me with this further observation: that Widdisco said he had often heard those who call themselves aristocrats say, that if an invasion of the country should take place, they would begin with destroy. ing their enemies at home, that they might be unanimous in the defense of their country.

Mr. Broomhead, whose evidence I have already commented upon, a sedate, plain, sensible man, spoke also of his affection to the government, and of the insults and threats which had been offered to the people of Sheffield. He says, "I heard of arms on the Castle-hill, but it is fit this should be distinctly explained. A wicked hand-bill, to provoke and terrify the multitude, had been thrown about the town in the night, which caused agitation in the minds of the people; and it was then spoken of as being the right of every individual to have arms for defense; but there was no idea ever started of resisting, much less of attacking the government. I nev-fense in London against illegal attacks upon be er heard of such a thing. I fear God," said the witness, "and honor the King; and would not have consented to send a delegate to Edinburgh but for peaceable and legal purposes."

HA

John Hill was next called. He is a cutler, and was employed by Davison to make the blades for the pikes. He saw the letter which was sent to Hardy, and knew that it was sent, lest there should be the same call for de

societies-for that at Sheffield they were daily insulted, and that the opposite party came to his own house, fired muskets under the door, and threatened to pull it down. He swears that they were, to a man, faithful to the King, and that the reform proposed was in the Commous House of Parliament.

Edwards.

The next evidence upon the subject of arms is what is proved by Widdison, to which Widdison. I beg your particular attention, because, f there be any reliance upon his testimony, it puts John Edwards was called, further to connect an end to every criminal imputation upon Davi- the prisoner with the combination of force. Jon, through whom, in the strange manner al-But so far from establishing it, he swore, eady observed upon, Hardy could alone be crim- upon his cross-examination, that his only reason nated. This man, Widdison, who was both a for going to Hardy's was, that he wanted a pike turner and a hair-dresser, and who dressed Davi- for his own defense, without connection with Dason's hair, and was his most intimate acquaint- vison or with Sheffield, and without concert or ance, gives you an account of their most confi- correspondence with any body. He had heard, dential conversations upon the subject of the he said, of the violences at Sheffield, and of the pikes, when it is impossible that they could be pikes that had been made there for defense; that imposing upon one another! He declares upon Hardy, on his application, showed him the letter, his solemn oath that Davison, without even the which, as has appeared, he never showed to any knowledge or authority of the Sheffield society, other person. This is the whole sum and subthinking that the same insults might be offered to stance of the evidence which applies to the charge

Driven from the accusation upon the subject of pikes, and even from the very col(7.) Story about or of accusation, and knowing that knives. Mr. Groves. nothing was to be done without the proof of arms, we have got this miserable, solitary knife, held up to us as the engine which was to destroy the Constitution of this country; and Mr. Groves, an Old Bailey solicitor, employed as a spy upon the occasion, has been selected to give probability to this monstrous absurdity, by his respectable evidence. I understand that this same gentleman has carried his system of spying to such a pitch as to practice it since this unfortunate man has been standing a prisoner before you, proffering himself, as a friend, to the committee preparing his defense, that he might discover to the Crown the materials by which he