Under one administration the Stamp Act is partment. By what unaccountable caprice has made, under the second it is repealed, under the | it happened, that the latter, who pretends to no third, in spite of all experience, a new mode of experience whatsoever, is removed to the most taxing the colonies is invented, and a question important of the two departments, and the forrevived, which ought to have been buried in ob- mer, by preference, placed in an office where his livion. In these circumstances, a new office is experience can be of no use to him ?10 Lord established for the business of the Plantations, Weymouth had distinguished himself in his first and the Earl of Hillsborough called forth, at a employment by a spirited, if not judicious conmost critical season, to govern America. The duct. He had animated the civil magistrate choice at least announced to us a man of supe- beyond the tone of civil authority, and had dirior capacity and knowledge. Whether he be so rected the operations of the army to more than or not, let his dispatches as far as they have ap- military execution. Recovered from the error peared, let his measures as far as they have oper- of his youth, from the distraction of play, and ated, determine for him. In the former we have the bewitching smiles of Burgundy, behold him seen strong assertions without proof, declamation exerting the whole strength of his clear, unwithout argument, and violent censures without clouded faculties in the service of the Crown. dignity or moderation, but neither correctness in It was not the heat of midnight excesses, nor the composition, nor judgment in the design. As ignorance of the laws, nor the furious spirit of for his measures, let it be remembered that he the house of Bedford; no, sir; when this respectwas called upon to conciliate and unite, and that, able minister interposed his authority between when he entered into office, the most refractory the magistrate and the people, and signed the of the colonies were still disposed to proceed by mandate on which, for aught he knew, the lives the constitutional methods of petition and remon- of thousands depended, he did it from the deliberstrance. Since that period they have been driv- ate motion of his heart, supported by the best of en into excesses little short of rebellion. Pe- his judgment." titions have been hindered from reaching the 10 The changes here censured had taken place Throne, and the continuance of one of the prin- about three months before. The office of Foreign cipal assemblies put upon an arbitrary condition, Secretary for the Southern Department was made which, considering the temper they were in, it vacant by the resignation of Lord Shelburne. Lord was impossible they should comply with, and Rochford, who had been minister to France, and which would have availed nothing as to the gen- thus made "acquainted with the temper of the eral question if it had been complied with. So Southern courts," ought naturally to have been apviolent, and I believe I may call it so unconstitu- pointed (if at all) to this department. Instead of tional an exertion of the prerogative, to say noth- this, he was made Secretary of the Northern Department, for which he had been prepared by no preing of the weak, injudicious terms in which it was vious knowledge; while Lord Weymouth was tak conveyed, gives us as humble an opinion of his en from the Home Department, and placed in the Lordship's capacity as it does of his temper and Southern, being “equally qualified" [that is, wholly moderation. While we are at peace with other unqualified by any "experience whatsoever"] for nations, our military force may perhaps be spared either department in the Foreign office, whether to support the Earl of Hillsborough's measures Southern or Northern. in America. Whenever that force shall be necessarily withdrawn or diminished, the dismission of such a minister will neither console us for his mprudence, nor remove the settled resentment of a people, who, complaining of an act of the Legislature, are outraged by an unwarrantable stretch of prerogative, and, supporting their claims by argument, are insulted with declamation.

Drawing lots would be a prudent and reasonable method of appointing the officers of state, compared to a late disposition of the secretary's office. Lord Rochford was acquainted with the affairs and temper of the Southern courts; Lord Weymouth was equally qualified for either de

ter fertile, as I willingly believe, in every great and good qualification." Political men have certainly a peculiar faculty of viewing the characters of others under very different lights, as they happen to affect their own interests and feelings.

The "arbitrary condition" was that the General Court of Massachusetts should rescind one of their own resolutions and expunge it from their records. The whole of this passage in relation to Hillsborough is as correct in point of fact, as it is well reasoned and finely expressed.

As Secretary of the Home Department, Lord Weymouth had addressed a letter to the magistrates of London, early in 1768, advising them to call in the military, provided certain disturbances in the streets should continue. The idea of setting the soldiery to fire on masses of unarmed men has always been abhorrent to the English nation. It was, therefore, a case admirably suited to the purposes of this Letter. In using it to inflame the people against Lord Weymouth, Junius charitably supposes that he was not repeating the errors of his youth-that he was pelled by "the furious spirit" of one of the proudest neither drunk, nor ignorant of what he did, nor imfamilies of the realm-all of which Lord Weymouth would certainly say--and therefore (which his Lord ship must also admit) that he did, from "the delib erate motion of his heart, supported by the best of his judgment," sign a paper which the great body of the people considered as authorizing promiscuous murder, and which actually resulted in the death of fourteen persons three weeks after. The whole is so wrought up as to create the feeling, that Lord Weymouth was in both of these states of mind-that he acted with deliberation in carrying out the dictates of headlong or drunken passion.

All this, of course, is greatly exaggerated. Se vere measures did seem indispensable to suppress the mobs of that day, and, whoever stood forth to di rect them, must of necessity incur the popular in

It has lately been a fashion to pay a compli- | vileness of pecuniary corruption. Jefferies him. ment to the bravery and generosity of the Com-self, when the court had no interest, was an upmander-in-chief [the Marquess of Granby] at the right judge. A court of justice may be subject expense of his understanding. They who love to another sort of bias, more important and perhim least make no question of his courage, while nicious, as it reaches beyond the interest of indi his friends dwell chiefly on the facility of his dis- viduals, and affects the whole community. A position. Admitting him to be as brave as a judge, under the influence of government, may total absence of all feeling and reflection can be honest enough in the decision of private causmake him, let us see what sort of merit he de-es, yet a traitor to the public. When a victim rives from the remainder of his character. If it is marked out by the ministry, this judge will be generosity to accumulate in his own person offer himself to perform the sacrifice. He wi!! and family a number of lucrative employments; not scruple to prostitute his dignity, and betra to provide, at the public expense, for every crea- the sanctity of his office, whenever an arbitrary ture that bears the name of Manners; and, neg-point is to be carried for government, or the 1lecting the merit and services of the rest of the sentment of a Court to be gratified. army, to heap promotions upon his favorites and dependents, the present Commander-in-chief is the most generous man alive. Nature has been sparing of her gifts to this noble Lord; but where birth and fortune are united, we expect the noble pride and independence of a man of spirit, not the servile, humiliating complaisance of a courtier. As to the goodness of his heart, if a proof of it be taken from the facility of never refusing, what conclusion shall we draw from the indecency of never performing? And if the discipline of the army be in any degree preserved, what thanks are due to a man, whose cares, notoriously confined to filling up vacancies, have degraded the office of Commander-in-chief into [that of] a broker of commissions.12

These principles and proceedings, odious a contemptible as they are, in effect are no less iu judicious. A wise and generous people are roused by every appearance of oppressive, unconstitutional measures, whether those measures are supported openly by the power of government. or masked under the forms of a court of justice. Prudence and self-preservation will oblige the most moderate dispositions to make common cause, even with a man whose conduct they censure, if they see him persecuted in a way which the real spirit of the laws will not justify The facts on which these remarks are founded are too notorious to require an application.13

This, sir, is the detail. In one view, behold a nation overwhelmed with debt; her revenues wasted; her trade declining; the affections of her colonies alienated; the duty of the magis trate transferred to the soldiery; a gallant army, which never fought unwillingly but against their fellow-subjects, moldering away for want of the

With respect to the navy, I shall only say, that this country is so highly indebted to Sir Edward Hawke, that no expense should be spared to secure him an honorable and affluent retreat. The pure and impartial administration of justice is perhaps the firmest bond to secure a cheer-direction of a man of common abilities and spirit; ful submission of the people, and to engage their affections to government. It is not sufficient that questions of private right or wrong are justly decided, nor that judges are superior to the dignation. Still, it was a question among the most candid men, whether milder means might not have

been effectual.

12 The Marquess of Granby, personally considered, was perhaps the most popular member of the cabinet, with the exception of Sir Edward Hawke. He was a warm-hearted man, of highly social qualities and generous feelings. As it was the object of Junius to break down the ministry, it was peculiarly necessary for him to blast and destroy his popularity. This he attempts to do by discrediting the character of the Marquess, as a man of firmness, strength of mind, and disinterestedness in managing the concerns of the army. This attack is distinguished for its plausibility and bitterness. It is clear that Junius was in some way connected with the army or with the War Department, and that in this situation he had not only the means of very exact information, but some private grudge against the Commander-in-chief. His charges and insinuations are greatly overstrained; but it is certain that the army was moldering away at this time in a manner which left the country in a very defenseless condition. Lord Chatham showed this by incontestible evidence, in his speech on the Falkland Islands, delivered about a year after this Letter was writ tea.

M

and, in the last instance, the administration of justice become odious and suspected to the whole body of the people. This deplorable scene admits but of one addition—that we are governed by councils, from which a reasonable man can expect no remedy but poison, no relief but death.

If, by the immediate interposition of Providence, it were [be] possible for us to escape a

13 It is unnecessary to say that Lord Mansfield is here pointed at. No one now believes that this great jurist ever did the things here ascribed to him by Junius. All that is true is, that he was a very high Tory, and was, therefore, naturally led to exalt the prerogatives of the Crown; and that he was a very politic man (and this was the great failing in his character), and therefore unwilling to oppose the King or his ministers, when he knew in heart they were wrong. This was undoubtedly the case in re spect to the issuing of a general warrant for ap prehending Wilkes, which he ought publicly to have condemned; but, as he remained silent, men natu rally considered him, in his character of Chief Jus tice, as having approved of the course directed by the King. Hence Mansfield was held responsible for the treatment of Wilkes, of whom Junius here speaks in very nearly the terms used by Lord Chatham, as a man whose "conduct" he censured, but with whom every moderate man must "make com mon cause," when he was "persecuted in a way which the real spirit of the law will not justify."

crisis so full of terror and despair, posterity will not believe the history of the present times. They will either conclude that our distresses were imaginary, or that we had the good fortune to be governed by men of acknowledged in tegrity and wisdom. They will not believe it possible that their ancestors could have survived,

or recovered from so desperate a condition, while a Duke of Grafton was Prime Minister, a Lord North Chancellor of the Exchequer, a Weymouth and a Hillsborough Secretaries of State, a Granby Commander-in-chief, and a Mansfield chief criminal judge of the kingdom. JUNIUS.

LETTER

TO SIR WILLIAM DRAPER, KNIGHT OF THE BATH1

SIR,-The defense of Lord Granby does honor to the goodness of your heart. You feel, as you ought to do, for the reputation of your friend, and you express yourself in the warmest language of the passions. In any other cause, I doubt not, you would have cautiously weighed the consequences of committing your name to the licentious discourses and malignant opinions of the world. But here, I presume, you thought it would be a breach of friendship to lose one moment in consulting your understanding; as if an appeal to the public were no more than a military coup de main, where a brave man has no rules to follow but the dictates of his courage. Touched with your generosity, I freely forgive the excesses into which it has led you; and, far from resenting those terms of reproach, which, considering that you are an advocate for decorum, you have heaped upon me rather too liberally, I place them to the account of an honest, unreflecting indignation, in which your cooler judgment and natural politeness had no concern. I approve of the spirit with which you have given your name to the public, and, if it were a proof of any thing but spirit, I should have thought myself bound to follow your example. I should have hoped that even my name might carry some authority with it, if I had not seen how very little weight or consideration a printed paper receives even from the respectable signature of Sir Willjam Draper.2

1 Dated February 7, 1769. It is unnecessary to give the letters of Sir William Draper, since their contents will be sufficiently understood from the replies, and our present concern is not with the merits of the controversy, but the peculiarities of Junius as a writer.

The reader will be interested in the following brief sketch of Sir William Draper's life by a contemporary:

"Sir William, as a scholar, had been bred at Eton and King's College, Cambridge, but he chose the sword for his profession. In India he ranked with those famous warriors, Clive and Lawrence. In 1761 he acted at Belleisle as a brigadier. In 1762 he commanded the troops who conquered Manilla, which place was saved from plunder by the promise of a ransom of £1,000,000, that was never paid. His first appearance as an able writer was in his clear refutation of the objections of the Spanish court to the payment of that ransom. His services were rewarded with the command of the sixteenth regiment of foot, which he resigned to Colonel Gisborne for his half-pay of £200 Irish. This common trans.

You begin with a general assertion, that writ ers, such as I am, are the real cause of all the public evils we complain of. And do you really think, Sir William, that the licentions pen of a political writer is able to produce such important effects? A little calm reflection might have shown you that national calamities do not arise from the description, but from the real character and conduct of ministers. To have supported your assertion, you should have proved that the present ministry are unquestionably the best and brightest characters of the kingdom; and that, if the affections of the colonies have been alienated, if Corsica has been shamefully abandoned, if commerce languishes, if public credit is threatened with a new debt, and your own Manille ransom most dishonorably given up, it has al' been owing to the malice of political writers, who will not suffer the best and brightest of characters (meaning still the present ministry) to take a single right step for the honor or in terest of the nation.3 But it seems you were a action furnished Junius with many a sarcasm. formidable opponent, when he had the misfortune to William had scarcely closed his contest with that lose his wife, who died on the 1st of September, 1769. As he was foiled, he was no doubt mortified; and he set out, in October of that year, to make the tour of the American colonies, which had now become objects of notice and scenes of travel. He arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, in January, 1770, and, traveling northward, he arrived, during the sum mer of that year, in Maryland, where he was received with that hospitality which she always paid to strangers, and with the attentions that were due to the merit of such a visitor. From Maryland Sir William passed on to New York, where he married Miss De Lancey, a lady of great connections there, and agreeable endowments, who died in 1778, leaving him a daughter. In 1779 he was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Minorca-a trust which, however discharged, ended unhappily. He died at Bath, on the 8th of January, 1787."

Sir

3 A few words of explanation may be necessary on two of the points here mentioned.

The Corsicans had risen against their former mas ters and oppressors, the Genoese, and, through the bravery and conduct of their leader, General Paoli, had nearly recovered their liberties. Genoa now called in the aid of France, and finally sold her the island. Public sentiment in England was strongly in favor of the Corsicans; and the general feeling was that of Lord Chatham, that England ought to interfere, and prevent France from being aggrandized at the expense of the Corsicans. Instead of

little tender of coming to particulars. Your conscience insinuated to you that it would be prudent to leave the characters of Grafton, North, Hillsborough, Weymouth, and Mansfield to shift for themselves; and truly, Sir William, the part you have undertaken is at least as much as you are equal to.

tray the just interest of the army in permitting Lord Percy to have a regiment? and does he not at this moment give up all character and dignity as a gentleman, in receding from his own repeated declarations in favor of Mr. Wilkes ?

In the two next articles I think we are agreed. You candidly admit that he often makes such promises as it is a virtue in him to violate, and that no man is more assiduous to provide for his relations at the public expense. I did not urge the last as an absolute vice in his disposition, but to prove that a careless, disinterested spirit is no part of his character; and as to the other, I desire it may be remembered that I never descend

Without disputing Lord Granby's courage, we are yet to learn in what articles of military knowledge Nature has been so very liberal to his mind. If you have served with him, you ought to have pointed out some instances of able disposition and well-concerted enterprise, which might fairly be attributed to his capacity as a general. It is you, Sir William, who make youred to the indecency of inquiring into his convivial friend appear awkward and ridiculous, by giving him a laced suit of tawdry qualifications which Nature never intended him to wear. You say, he has acquired nothing but honorises as liberally as his liquor, and will suffer no in the field. Is the ordnance nothing? Are man to leave his table either sorrowful or sober. the Blues nothing? Is the command of the None but an intimate friend, who must frequentarmy, with all the patronage annexed to it, noth-ly have seen him in these unhappy, disgraceful ing? Where he got these nothings I know not; | but you, at least, ought to have told us where he deserved them.

hours. It is you, Sir William Draper, who have taken pains to represent your friend in the character of a drunken landlord, who deals out his prom

moments, could have described him so well.

The last charge, of the neglect of the army, is indeed the most material of all. I am sorry to tell you, Sir William, that in this article your first fact is false;" and as there is nothing more painful to me than to give a direct contradiction to a gentleman of your appearance, I could wish that, in your future publications, you would pay a greater attention to the truth of your premises, before you suffer your genius to hurry you to a conclusion. Lord Ligonier did not deliver the army (which you, in classical language, are pleased to call a Palladium) into Lord Granby's hands. It was taken from him, much against his inclination, some two or three years before Lord Granby was Commander-in-chief. As to the state of the army, I should be glad to know where you have received your intelligence. Was

As to his bounty, compassion, &c., it would have been but little to the purpose, though you had proved all that you have asserted. I meddle with nothing but his character as Commanderin-chief; and though I acquit him of the baseness of selling commissions, I still assert that his military cares have never extended beyond the disposal of vacancies; and I am justified by the complaints of the whole army, when I say that, in this distribution, he consults nothing but parliamentary interests, or the gratification of his immediate dependents. As to his servile submission to the reigning ministry, let me ask, whether he did not desert the cause of the whole army when he suffered Sir Jeffery Amherst to be sacrificed? and what share he had in recall-it in the rooms at Bath, or at your recat at ing that officer to the service? Did he not bethis, the Grafton ministry had decided three months before to give her up, and the great body of the nation were indignant at this decision.

Clifton? The reports of reviewing generals comprehend only a few regiments in England, which, as they are immediately under the royal inspection, are perhaps in some tolerable order. In respect to the Manilla ransom, it has already But do you know any thing of the troops in the been stated, that the Spanish court, in their usual West Indies, the Mediterranean, and North Amerspirit, had endeavored to evade the debt. Year afica, to say nothing of a whole army absolutely ter year had been spent in fruitless negotiations, when the decided tone recommended by Lord Chatbam would have at once secured payment. The nation felt disgraced by this tame endurance. Sir William Draper was indeed rewarded with the order of the Bath, whose "blushing ribbon" is so stingingly

alluded to at the close of this letter. He also received the pecuniary emoluments here mentioned. But all this was considered by many as mere favoritism, and the reward of his silence; for Admiral Cornish, who commanded the fleet in that expedition, together with the inferior officers and troops, was left to languish and die without redress.

ruined in Ireland? Inquire a little into facts, Sir William, before you publish your next pane gyric upon Lord Granby, and believe me you will find there is a fault at head-quarters, which even the acknowledged care and abilities of the Adjutant General [General Harvey] can not correct.

er station in the army, through the determined interposition of his friends, but not (as Junius inti mates) through that of Lord Granby.

In respect to Lord Percy, it was bitterly complained of in the army that he should receive a regi ment "plainly by way of pension to the noble, disinterested house of Percy," for their support of the ministry, while the most meritorious officers were passed over in neglect, and suffered, after years of arduous service, to languish in want.

Sir Jeffery Amherst was a favorite general of Lord Chatham, and conducted most of his great enterprises in America. He was rewarded with the office of Governor of Virginia, but was abruptly displaced in 1768, through the interposition of Hillsboroagh, chiefly on account of his friendship for Chatham. He was, however, speedily raised to a high-rather the statement which affirms it.

"It is hardly correct to say that a fact is false, bat

ransom, he says that he had complained, and even appealed to the public, but his efforts with the ministry were in vain. "Some were ingen uous enough to own that they could not think of involving this distressed nation into another war for our private concerns. In short, our rights, for the present, are sacrificed to national convenience; and I must confess that, although I may lose five-and-twenty thousand pounds by their acquiescence to this breach of faith in the Spaniards, I think they are in the right to teinporize, considering the critical situation of this country, convulsed in every part by poison infused by anonymous, wicked, and incendiary writ

Permit me now, Sir William, to address my-tary skill and capacity." As to the Manilla self personally to you, by way of thanks for the honor of your correspondence. You are by no means undeserving of notice; and it may be of consequence even to Lord Granby to have it determined, whether or no the man, who has praised him so lavishly, be himself deserving of praise When you returned to Europe, you zealously undertook the cause of that gallant army, by whose bravery at Manilla your own fortune had been established. You complained, you threatened, you even appealed to the public in print. By what accident did it happen that, in the midst of all this bustle, and all these clamors for justice to your injured troops, the name of the Manilla ransom was suddenly buried in a pro-ers." found, and, since that time, an uninterrupted si- His pecuniary transactions he explained in 9 lence? Did the ministry suggest any motives manner which ought to have satisfied any can. to you strong enough to tempt a man of honor did mind, that there was nothing in them either to desert and betray the cause of his fellow-sol- dishonest or dishonorable. As to his being rediers? Was it that blushing ribbon, which is warded with office and preferment, while his now the perpetual ornament of your person? Or companions in arms were neglected, this was was it that regiment, which you afterward (a certainly not to be imputed to him as a crime, thing unprecedented among soldiers) sold to since his services merited all he received. Still, Colonel Gisborne ? Or was it that government he may, on this account, have been more will[of Yarmouth], the full pay of which you are ing (as Junius insinuated) to remain quiet. Ho contented to hold, with the half-pay of an Irish closed his second letter thus: "Junius makes colonel? And do you now, after a retreat not much and frequent use of interrogations: they very like that of Scipio, presume to intrude your are arms that may be easily turned against him self, unthought of, uncalled for, upon the pa- self. I could, by malicious interrogation, disturb tience of the public? Are your flatteries of the the peace of the most virtuous man in the kingCommander-in-chief directed to another regi- dom. I could take the Decalogue, and say to ment, which you may again dispose of on the one man, 'Did you never steal?' to the next, same honorable terms? We know your pru-'Did you never commit murder?' and to Junius dence, Sir William, and I should be sorry to stop your preferment. JUNIUS.

himself, who is putting my life and conduct to the rack, 'Did you never bear false witness against thy neighbor?' Junius must easily see, that unless he affirms to the contrary in his real Sir William Draper, in reply to this Letter, name, some people, who may be as ignorant of said, concerning Lord Granby, "My friend's po- him as I am, will be apt to suspect him of havlitical engagements I know not, so can not pre-ing deviated a little from the truth; therefore let tend to explain them, or assert their consist- Junius ask no more questions. You bite against ency." He does, however, reassert "his mili-a file; cease, viper!"

LETTER

TO SIR WILLIAM DRAPER, KNIGHT OF THE BATH.¡

Do you then really think that, if I were to ask a most virtuous man whether he ever committed theft, or murder, it would disturb his peace of mind? Such a question might perhaps discompose the gravity of his muscles, but I believe it

SIR,-An academical education has given you | your answers, you ought to have no objection. an unlimited command over the most beautiful Even Mr. Bingley promises to answer, if put to figures of speech. Masks, hatchets, racks, and the torture.2 vipers dance through your letters in all the mazes of metaphorical confusion. These are the gloomy companions of a disturbed imagination-the melancholy madness of poetry without the inspiration. I will not contend with you in point of composition. You are a scholar, Sir William, and, if I am truly informed, you write Latin with almost as much purity as English. Suffer me, then, for I am a plain unlettered man, to continue that style of interrogation which suits my capacity, and to which, considering the readiness of

Dated March 3, 1769. This was the Io Triunphe of Junius in closing the correspondence.

2 This man was a bookseller, who had been suopo. naed by the government in the case of Wilkes. For some reason, he refused to answer the questions put by either party, and made himself the laughing-stock of both, by declaring under oath that he would never answer until put to the torture. He was imprisoned a number of months for contempt of court, and at last released