estimated by the inflamed charge of controversial writers, ncr our practices measured by the events of those troubled periods, when parties have run high (though they have been often misrepresented, and always cruelly exaggerated to our prejudice); but that we may be judged by our own actions, and in our own times; and we humbly offer it to your most equitable and princely consideration, that we do not rest the proof our sin cerity on words, but on things; on our dutiful, peaceable sub. missive behaviour for more than four-score years: and though it will be considered as too severe to form any opinion of great bodies, by the practice of individuals, yet if in all that time, amongst all our people, in the daily increase of severe laws against us, one treasonable insurrection, or one treasonable conspiracy can be proved; if amongst our clergy, one seditious sermon can be shewn to have been preached; we will readily admit that there is good reason for continuing the present laws in all their force against us: but if, on the contrary (we speak in full confidence) it can be shewn, that our clergy have ever exerted their utmost endeavors to enforce submission to your majesty's government, and obedience to your laws; if it can be shewn that these endeavors have always been most strenuous in times of public danger, or when any accident tended to create a ferment amongst the people; if our laity have frequently offered (what we are always ready to fulfil) to hazard their lives and fortunes for your majesty's service; if we have willingly bound up the fruits of our discouraged industry with the fortune of your majesty's government in the public loans; then we, humbly hope, we may be admitted to a small portion of mercy, and that that behaviour, which your majesty's benignity and condescension will esteem a merit in our circumstances, may entitle us, not to reward, but to such toleration as may enable us to become useful citizens to our country, and subjects as profitable, as we are loyal to your majesty. Permit us, most gracious sovereign, on this occasion, to reiterate the assurances of our unshaken loyalty, which all our sufferings have not been able to abate; of our sincere zeal for your majesty's service, of our attachment to the constitution of our country, and of our warmest gratitude for your majesty's continual indulgence, and for the late instance of favor we have experienced from parliament, in enabling us, consistent with our religious tenets, to give a legal proof of our sentiments upon these points. And we humbly hope, that the alacrity and eagerness with which we have seized this first, though long wished opportunity of testifying, in the most solemn and public manner, our inviolable fidelity to your majesty, our real principles, and our good-will and affection towards our fellowsubjects; will extinguish all jealousies, and remove those imputations, which alone have hitherto held us forth in the light of enemies to your majesty, and to the state. And if any thing farther can be suggested or devised, whereby we can by our actions, more fully evince our sincerity, we shall consider such an opportunity of demonstrating our real loyalty, as an high favor, and shall be deficient in no act whatever, which does not amount to a renunciation of that religious profession which we value more than our lives, and which it cannot be suspected we hold from obstinacy or a contempt of the laws, since it has not been taken up by ourselves, but has from time immemorial, been handed down to us from our ancesters. We derive no small consolation most gracious sovereign, from considering, that the most severe and rigorous of the laws against us had been enacted before the accession of your majesty's illustrious house to the throne of these kingdoms: we therefore indulge the most sanguine hopes, that the mitigation of them, and the establishment of peace, industry and universal happiness, amongst all your loyal subjects, may be one of the blessings of your majesty's reign. And though we might plead in favor of such relaxation, the express words of a solemn treaty, entered into with us, by your majesty's royal predecessor, king William, (which has been forfeited by no disobedience on our part) yet, we neither wish, nor desire, to re, ceive any thing, but as a mere act of your majesty's clemency, and of the indulgence and equity of your parliament. That this act of truly royal beneficence and justice, may be added to the other instances of your majesty's august virtues, and that the deliverance of a faithful and distressed people, may be one of those distinguishing acts of your reign, which shall transmit its memory to the love, gratitude and veneration of our latest posterity, is the humble prayer of, &c. &c. Fingal Kenmare Trimbleston Valentine Brown P. Bellew Robert Butler Thomas Kavanagh Thomas Dillon Richard Talbot Matthew Talbot Robert Netterville Farrel Caddell Robert Caddell N. Dease John White John Baggot Hugh O'Reilly William O'Reilly Robert French James Moore Pierce Birmingham Luke Masterson Edward Fanestall Tyrrel O'Reily Richard Farrell Anthony Dermott Having given a brief account of And above three hundred other respectable persons. the state of the catholics of this kingdom since the revolution to the present time, groaning under the oppressive weight of the popery laws: I shall now conclude with the following extract from the observations of that judicious and impartial writer, Mr. Young, on the State of Ireland; and leave the candid and unprejudiced reader to judge of the cruel treatment and long sufferings of these people. "It is no superficial view I have taken of this matter in Ireland, and being at Dublin at the time a very trifling part of these laws was agitated in parliament, I attended the debates, with my mind open to conviction, and auditor for the mere purpose of information: I have conversed on the subject with some of the most distinguished characters in the kingdom, and I cannot after all but declare that the scope, purport, and aim of the laws of discovery as executed are not against the catholic religion which encreases under them, but against the industry, and property of whoever professes that religion. In vain has it been said, that consequence and power follow property, and that the attack is made in order to wound the doctrine through its property. If such was the intention, I reply, that seventy years experience prove the folly and futility of it. Those laws have crushed all the industry, and wrested most of the property from the catholics; but the religion triumphs; it is thought to encrease. Those who have handed about calculations to prove a decrease, admit on the face of them that it will require FOUR THOUSAND YEARS to make con 586 STATE OF THE CATHOLICS, &c. verts of the whole, supposing that work to go on in future, as it has in the past time. But the whole pretence is an affront to common sense, for it implies that you will lesson a religion by persecuting it: all history and experience condemn such a proposition. The system pursued in Ireland has had no other tendency but that of driving out of the kingdom all the personal wealth of the catholics, and prohibiting their industry within it. The face of the country, every object in short which presents itself to the eye of a traveller, tells him how effectually this has been done. I urge it not as an argument, the whole kingdom speaks it as a fact. We have seen that this conduct has not converted the people, to the religion of government; and instead of adding to the internal security of the realm, it has endangered it: if therefore it does not add to the national prosperity, for what purpose but that of pri vate tyranny could it have been embraced and persisted in? Mistaken ideas of private interest account for the actions of individuals, but what could have influenced the British government to permit a system which must inevitably prevent the island from ever becoming of the importance which nature intended!-Young's Tour in Irel. vol. ii. p. 48-9. NUMBER I. From the MSS. Trinity College, Dublin. A brief Declaration of the Government of Ireland; opening many corruptions in the same; discovering the discontentments of the Irishry; and the causes moving those expected troubles: and shewing means how to establish quietness in that kingdom honorably, to your majesty's profit, without any encrease of charge. [Wrote in the government of sir William Fitz-Williams, who was six years lord deputy in Ireland; that is, from the year 1588 to the year 1594.] By Captain THOMAS LEE, 1594. Anno Regni Reginæ 37°. TO THE QUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. UNDERSTANDING, most gracious sovereign, the proud and insolent terms the lords of the north of Ireland do now stand upon, it maketh me bold to set down my knowledge of those parts to your majesty, because I have debated often with the chiefs of them, what was fit they should yield unto your majesty; and that it was unmeet for them in any sort to condition with your highness: in the end (after long debating) they seemed somewhat to like and allow of that which I demanded, as hereafter shall appear. And because your majesty may the better judge the causes of their discontentments, I have here set down the unconsciable courses which have been held towards them, which being remedied, and that they may see your majesty doth no way allow of the same, there is no doubt (notwithstanding all their proud shews of disloyalty) but that they may be brought to dutiful obedience, and to yield you that profit which neither your majesty now hath, nor any of your progenitors ever had; so as they may likewise have that which they demand, being nothing unfit for your majesty to grant. In which discourse, if any thing should seem unpleasing to your majesty, I humbly beseech you to pass it over, and to peruse the rest, whereof I doubt not, but something will content your highness, for that it tendeth to your highness's service and commodity. My meaning, whereby your highness's profit may arise, i: by O'Donnel, Maguire, Bryan Oge O'Roirke, and Bryan Oge M'Mahon." The demands I made for your majesty were these, that they should receive your majesty's forces into their countries; and your laws to go current, as they did in other places; and some part of their countries to be reserved for your majesty, to dispose unto them who should govern them, and they to charge themselves with that proportion that was fit for them to bear. To those demands they all yielded, so that they might have such gentlemen chosen, as they knew would use no treachery nor hard measures towards them, but to live upon that which your majesty would allow; and that which they would give of their free consents, and to be no further charged; and they would be as dutiful as any other country in Ireland now is. And how this may be performed, I have made bold with your majesty's favourable liking, here to set down upon my knowledge, both how your majesty's forces may be received with their consent, and they to yield great profit in discharge of that which your majesty allows to the soldiers to be well satisfied. |