dangerous and tumultuous assemblies." A penance much more severe than, probably, these poor people intended to inflict on themselves; and from which they could hardly obtain any other cure of their disorders, but that never-failing one, death; which, in those times of religious rancour, frequently happened, by the extreme rigor of their punishment.

The scheme of the original framers of this law seems to have been, to drive the Roman catholic natives out of the kingdom* (which effect it certainly produced on great numbers), and to introduce foreign protestants in their room. Accordingly, in the year 1709, at the request of the lords and others of the council, eight hundred and twenty-one protestant Palatine families were brought over to Ireland, and the sum of twentyfour thousand eight hundred and fifty pounds, five shillings and sixpence, appointed for their maintenance, out of the revenue, on a resolution of the commons, "that it would much contribute to the security of the kingdom, if the said Palatines were encouraged and settled therein." But the error of that policy was soon after discovered; for the lords, in their address to the queen, in 1711, thankfully acknowledge, "that her majesty's early care had even prevented their own endeavors to free the nation of that load of debt, which the bringing over numbers of useless and indigent Palatinest had brought upon them." It is remarkable that only four, out of this great number of protestant strangers brought over for the security of the kingdom, enlisted in her majesty's army, though she was then actually engaged in a war with France.

• And even such of the Roman catholic natives, as were afterwards - willing to return, were not permitted. For in 1713, the commons ordered, that "an address should be made to her majesty, to desire her, that she would be pleased not to grant licences to papists to return into the king dom."-Com. Jour. vol. iii.

It was even dangerous for them to attempt, or endeavor to hear, what passed in the house of commons concerning themselves. For in the same year, an order was made there, "that the serjeant at arms should take into custody all papists, that were or should presume to come into the gal leries."-Ib. f. 976.

"In the same year the house of commons in England, says Burnet, "came to a sudden vote, that those who had encouraged, and brought over the Palatines, were enemies to the nation. They even repealed a bill for the naturalization of all protestants, which had passed two years before, pretending that it gave the encouragement to the Palatines te come over,"Hist. of his own Times, vol. ii. f. $38.

CHAP. VII.

Penal laws of discovery and gavel-kind enacted.

IN May 1709, was introduced into the house of commons, by Mr. Serjeant Caulfield, a bill for explaining and amending an act, intitled an act to prevent the further growth of popery. This bill was passed and transmitted into Great Britain, in due form, on the 20th of June following, and got the royal assent from Thomas, earl of Wharton, lord lieutenant of Ireland, on the 30th of August in the same year.

As this second act to prevent the further growth of popery did, indeed, complete the misery of these people, without even the pretence of any recent provocation on their part; it will probably throw light on this dark and iniquitous transaction, to give some sketches of the character of that chief governor, by whose influence and management, this new calamity was brought upon them, which I shall now do from the account left us of him and his administration here, by that real and venerable patriot, Dr. Jonathan Swift, who was personally acquainted with him.

"Thomas lord Wharton, by the force of a wonderful constitution, had passed, by some years, his grand climacteric, without any visible effects of old age, either on his body, or his mind; and in spite of a continual prostitution to those vices, which usually wear out both. His behaviour is in all the forms of a youg man at five and twenty; whether he walks, or whistles, or swears, or talks baudy, or calls names, he acquits himself in each beyond a templar of three years standing.-He goes constantly to prayers in the forms of his place, and will talk baudy or blasphemy at the chapel door. He is a presbyterian in politics, and an atheist in religion; he had imbibed his father's principles of government, and took up no other in its stead, excepting that circumstance, he is a firm presbyterian. It was confidently reported, as a conceit of his, that talking upon the subject of Irish bishops, he once said, with great plea sure, he hoped to make his we a b————p.

"He is perfectly skilled in all the arts of managing at elections, as well as in large baits of pleasure, for making converts of young men of quality, upon their first appearance; in which

public service he contracted such large debts, that the ministry in England were forced, out of mere justice, to leave Ireland at his mercy, where he had only time to set himself right; although the graver heads of his party think him too profligate and abandoned, yet they dare not be ashamed of him: for he is very useful in parliament, being a ready speaker, and content to employ his gift upon such occasions, where those who conceive they have any remains of reputation or modesty, are ashamed to appear.

"He hath sunk his fortune by endeavoring to ruin one kingdom; and hath raised it by going far in the ruin of another. His administration of Ireland was looked upon as a sufficient ground to impeach him, at least for high crimes and misdemeanors; yet he has gained by the government of that kingdom, under two years, five and forty thousand pounds, by the most favorable computation, half in the regular way, and half in the prudential.”

The most ignominious part of this character was written, and I believe published, about the time of this earl's administration. The dean further adds, "that he has had the honor of much conversation with his lordship, and that he was thoroughly convinced, how indifferent he was to applause, and how insensible of reproach; he is, says he, without the sense of shame or glory, as some men are without the sense of smelling, and therefore a good name to him is no more than a precious ointment would be to these."

After having exhibited this genuine picture of his excellency and his government of Ireland, as I may say, from the life, it is but just, I should recite some part of those distinguised honors which were paid him by the Irish commons, on his passing this popery act, by which it will plainly appear, how ex, act a conformity of sentiment and disposition there was be tween his lordship and these commons.

"Besides gratefully acknowledging her majesty's most particular care of them, in appointing his excellency their chief governor, and earnestly wishing his long continuance in the government;" they told him, "that they could not, on that occasion, omit mentioning, how acceptable to the whole body of protestants his excellency's endeavors had been in their favor; to which, next to her majesty's royal goodness, they

justly attributed the return of the bill to amend the act to prevent the further growth of popery, in the manner the same was transmitted, notwithstanding the strong efforts made against it by the Irish papists in Great Britain." With which address and acknowledgment his excellency desired the speaker to tell them," that he was extremely well pleased and satisfied.” And, in truth, what governor could be better disposed or qualified than his excellency, as above described, was, to procure a law, which, under the specious pretence of preventing the growth of popery in Ireland, has, in reality, more effectually prevented the growth and improvement of every thing that is either useful or ornamental to that kingdom; that instead of promoting true religion, and its genuine effects, public and private virtue, has given birth to more hypocrisy,* and, under that dangerous disguise, to more of every other species of moral evil, and turpitude, than was before known in this, or any other part of the christian world; a law, by which great rewards are occasionally held forth to that vile and detested race of men, discoverers and informers, who, being thus legally countenanced and encouraged, plunder indiscriminately parents, brethren, kinsmen and friends, in despite of all the ties of blood, of affection and confidence; in breach of the divine law; and of all former human laws enacted in this or any other country, for the security of property, since the creation of the world!

CHAP. VIII.

Reasons assigned for making those laws.

TWO plausible reasons have been commonly assigned for the framing and continuing of these laws. First, their ten

* Of this the legislature itself seemed sensible when it passed this act, and many years after. For such was its diffidence of converts made by it, even in the year 1725, that they then, "resolved, that no person that is, or shall be converted from the popish religion, ought to be elected or admitted to serve as a member of this house, for the space of seven years next after his conversion; and unless he produces a certificate of having received the sacrament, according to the usage of the church of Ireland as by law established, thrice in every year, during the said term.”—Coti Jour. vol. v. f. 290.

dency to bring the papists of this kingdom to conformity in religion, and loyalty, with their protestant fellow-subjects; and next, their aptitude to weaken and impoverish such of them as prove refractory in these respects, to such a degree as to render both them, and their posterity utterly incapable of giving any future disturbance to this government. But is it not notorious that hypocrisy, and disaffection to the established religion and government, are the natural and constant effects of such forced conversions? And even supposing that converts thus made might at length become real protestants, and loyal subjects, " is evil to be done that good may arise therefrom," in this one instance, when both reason, and religion prohibit and condemn it in every other? On the other hand, does not the enacting such predatory laws against these people, without their being even accused of any civil crime, and merely to weaken and impoverish them, suggest to the mind something like the policy of an highwayman, in putting those he has robbed to death, lest if they were suffered to survive their losses, they might chance to discover and prosecute him for the robbery ?

The last of the common objections to the relaxation of these laws, which I shall consider (and it is the only remaining objec tion that deserves to be considered) is, "that the spirit of persecution is peculiar and essential to the Roman catholic religion; and therefore that its professors ought, in good policy, to be always kept under, and in an absolute incapacity to exert it." But this objection confutes itself. It supposes, that men may be justified in actually wronging and persecuting others, for no other reason, but merely to prevent these others from ever having the power (however remote and improbable) to injure and persecute them. The Roman catholics wish not for a power to persecute; they only implore the justice and mercy of the legislature, to relieve them from persecution. But how can the spirit of persecution be deemed peculiar to Roman catholics, when it is notorious, that their very accusers, of every denomination, persecute both them and one another, whenever they have the power and opportunity of doing it? That such a spirit is far from being essential to their religion, however it may have unhappily possessed some of its bigotted members (and what sect, or communion of christians, is free from such members?) is manifest from hence, that all their ablest