The first result of this union, was an humble and dutiful address to his majesty, setting forth, "that, having apprehended, with fulness of sorrow, the condition to which the misrepresentation of his majesty's ministers in Ireland, united with the malignant party in England, had reduced them; and sad experience having taught them, that a resolution was taken to supplant their nation and religion; they humbly conceived it necessary, after long patience, to put themselves in a posture of natural defence; with intention, nevertheless, never to disturb his majesty's government, to invade any of his high prerogatives, or oppress any of his British subjects, of what religion soever, that did not labor to oppress them. Which intention in the beginning of the troubles, they had solemnly sworn to observe; an oath,* often since reiterated, lest the misguided and unauthorised motions of some among them should be construed to derogate from that faith and allegiance, which, in all humbleness, they confessed they owed and sincerely professed unto his majesty. That before any act of hostility committed on their parts, they had, with all submis. sion, addressed themselves, by petition, to the lords justices 7 Cart. Orm, vol. iii. Their oath of confederacy, on this occasion, is thus recited by Borlase: "I, A. B. do, in the presence of Almighty God, and all the saints and angels in heaven, promise, vow, swear, and protest to maintain and defend, as far as I may, with my life, power and estate, the public and free exercise of the true Roman catholic religion, against all persons that shall oppose the same. I further swear, that I will bear faith and allegiance to our sovereign lord king Charles, his heirs and successors; and that I will defend him and them, as far as I may, with my life, power and estate, against all such persons as shall attempt any thing against their royal persons, honors, estates and dignities; and against all such as shall directly or indirectly endeavor to suppress their royal prerogatives, or do any act er acts contrary to the regal government; as also the power and privileges of parliament, the lawful rights and privileges of the subjects; and every person that makes this vow, oath and protestation, in whatsoever he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the same. And to my power, as far as I may, I will oppose, and by all ways and means endeavor to bring to condign punishment, even to the loss of life, liberty and estate, all such as shall either be force, practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies or otherwise, do attempt any thing to the contrary of any article, clause, or any thing in this present vow, oath, or protestation contained. So help me God."-History of the Irish Rebellion, fol. 74, and council, for a timely remedy against the then growing evils; but that therein they had found, instead of a salve for their wounds, oil poured into the fire of their discontents, which occasioned such intemperance in the common people, that they acted some unwarrantable cruelties upon puritans, or others suspected of puritanism, which cruelties they really detested, had punished in part, and desired to punish with fulness of severity, in all the actors of them, when time should enable them to it; though (added they) the measure offered to the catholic natives here, in the inhuman murdering of old decrepit people in their beds, women in the straw, and children of eight days old; burning of houses, and robbing of all kind of persons, without distinction of friend from foe, and digging up of graves, and there burning the dead bodies of our ancestors, have not deserved that justice from us." In the conclusion of this address, we find the following zealous obtestation. "We therefore, with hearts bent lower than our knees, do humbly beseech your sacred majesty, timely to assign a place where, with safety, we may express our griev ances, and you may, with freedom, apply a seasonable cure unto them; and there you shall find our dutiful affections, at * They kept their word religiously in this respect. For in the two peaces concluded afterwards with the marquis of Ormond, viz. those of 1646 and 1648, they expressly excepted from pardon, all those of their party that had committed such cruelties. And long before either of these peaces, lord Clanrickard testified, "that it was the desire of the whole nation, that the actors of these cruelties should, in the highest degree, be made examples to all posterity." Carte's Orm. vol. iii.-And the marquis of Ormond himself, confessed, "that those, assuming power among the Irish, had long disclaimed them, and professed an earnest desire that they might be brought to punishment."-Id. ib. + That they did not exagerate in this particular, is plain from a letter of lord Clanrickard's, who says, "that while he was at Tyrellan, in treaty with lord Forbes, (the commander of a parliament ship of war), though lord Ranelagh, president of Connaught, was then in the fort of Galway, he saw the country on fire, his tenants houses and goods burnt, and four or five poor innocent creatures, men, women and children, inhumanly murdered by Forbes's soldiers; who having taken possession of Lady's-church in Galway, the antient burying place of the town, did, upon their departure, not only deface it, but digged up the graves, and burnt the coffins and bones of those that were buried there."-Carte's Orm. vol. iii. fol. 109. Lel. Hist. of Ireland, vol. iii. p. 174. tended with just cause of security in our faithfulness, and manifest arguments of our earnest desire to advance your service." CHAP. II. The king consents to hear the grievances of the insurgents. THE king, considering the occasion and circumstances, which had caused such a body of nobility and gentry, most of them of English race, to have recourse to arms; the apparent moderation of their demands, their earnest desire of laying their grievances before him, and submitting them to his determination, resolved to issue out a commission, under the great seal of England, to empower certain persons to meet with the principal of those who had sent the petition; to receive, in writing, what the petitioners had to say or propound; and to transmit the same to his majesty. "This commission was dated January 11th, 1642, and directed to the marquis of Ormond, the earls of Clanrickard and Roscommon, the lord viscount Moore, sir Thomas Lucas, sir Maurice Eustace, and Thomas Burke, esq. any three or more of them being authorised to meet and act for the purpose aforesaid. It was sent over to Ireland by the last of these commissioners, who delivered it to the marquis of Ormond on the 30th. He at the same time brought the lords justices a letter from the king, notifying the purport of it." "But these lords justices taking," says the marquis of Ormond, "this commission for a step towards the peace of the kingdom, and their own ruin ;" and, "being displeased3 that even a wish or consent should be discovered in any man, that the war, from which so many promised themselves revenge, and fortunes, should be any other way ended than with the blood and confiscation of all those whom they could propose to be guilty of the defection," sought many artful expedients to hinder or delay the execution of it; and at length hit upon one that, for a while produced the wished-for effect. There came a trumpet to the supreme council of the confederate catholics, 1 Cart. Orm, vol. i. 2 Orm. Let. in Cart. Orm, vol. iii. then sitting at Ross, with a safe-conduct from their lordships for such of their number as that council would employ to represent their grievances to the king's commissioners above-mentioned. In the commission there happened to be the words "odious rebellion," applied to the proceedings of these catholics; which the lords justices not only inserted in their safe-conduct, but also added other words of their own of the same provoking tendency; hoping thereby to prevent the intended pacification. But the confederates looking upon the whole to be the lords justices contrivance, and neither knowing nor expecting that any such language was in his majesty's commission, sent the trumpet back with a spirited answer, giving their lordships to understand, “ that they were not, they thanked God, in that condition, as to sacrifice their loyalty to the malice of any; and that it would be a meanness beyond expression in them, who fought in the condition of loyal subjects to come in the repute of rebels to set down their grievances. We take God to witness," added they, "that there are no limits to set to the scorn and infamy that are cast upon us; and we will be in the esteem of loyal subjects, or die to a man." The confederate catholics did undoubtedly believe, that, in taking arms against this administration, which was entirely influenced by the prevailing faction in the English parliament, they were actually serving his majesty. This appears evidently from lord Clanrickard's letter to the king, October 26th, 1642, wherein he acquaints him, "that neither intreaties, threats, or protestations could draw most men from the belief, that those did really serve his majesty, who were in that com 5 Cart. Orm. vol. iii. 5 Clanrick. Mem. Eng. ed. fol. 180. The earl of Castlehaven among other reasons for having joined the confederates against this administration, assigns the following. "I began to consider (says he) the condition of this kingdom, as that the state did chiefly consist of men of mean birth and quality; that most of them steered by the influence and power of those who were in arms against the king; that they had by cruel massacre, hanging and torturing, been the slaughter of thousands of innocent men, women and children, better subjects than themselves; that they, by all their actions, shewed that they looked at nothing but the extirpation of the nation, the destruction of monarchy, and by the utter suppression of the catholic religion, to settle and establish puritanism. To these (adds his lordship) I could be no traitor.”—Desid. Cur. Hibern, vol. ii. p. 132. See Append. motion. And if vows and protestations (proceeds his lordship) may gain belief, I should be followed by thousands to serve your majesty in any other place. But as the state of this kingdom stands, such is their sense of the opposition given to your majesty by some faction of your parliament of England; of the injustice done them by those that govern here; and of the general destruction conceived to be designed against the natives, that almost the whole nation are united into one resolute body, to gain their preservation, or sell their lives at the dearest rate." CHAP. III. Another contrivance of the justices to hinder the cessation. BUT the confederate nobility and gentry being soon after made sensible that the words "odious rebellion" before-mentioned, were actually taken from the king's commission, and inserted by the lords justices in the safe-conduct for the aforesaid evil purpose, were resolved to disappoint so iniquitous a design; and therefore immediately wrote to the commissioners appointed by the king, "that' they were ready to appear before them with a representation of their grievances." Accordingly the time and place of meeting proposed by the confederate catholics, which was the 18th of March, at Trim, were agreed to by these commissioners. But the confederates still resenting the imputation of rebellion, though taken from the king's commission, thought it necessary to "protest at the same time,2 in the presence of the God of truth, that they had been necessitated to take arms to prevent the extirpation of their nation and religion, threatened and contrived by their enemies; to maintain the rights and prerogatives of his majesty's crown and dignity, and the interests of his royal issue, and for no other reason what, ever." And, indeed, of the sincerity of this protestation, we shall presently find them giving unquestionable proofs. The justices now perceiving that abusive apellations could not provoke the confederates to absent themselves from the in 1 Belling's MSS. Hist. of the Wars of Ir land. 2 Cart. Orm. vol. iii. Belling. ib.. |