there was no necessity, which induced him to take them to council in that business; for that rather than fail in so necessary a duty to his master, he would undertake, upon the pe ril of his head, to make the king's army able to subsist and provide for themselves amongst them, without their help."+ The army, at this time, took up victuals in its marches, and paid nothing, as if it had been an enemy's country, and therefore was held in abomination by the inhabitants. Having by this commination, somewhat softened their opposition, he further advised," that the proposition of the next year's contribution might come from the protestants, as it had done that year, from the papists; and so those, no more in shew, than substance, to go before these, in their chearfulness and readi ness to serve his majesty."

His lordship's second proposal, of calling a parliament, to settle a constant and regular supply for the maintenance of the army, was so very differently received, that upon the bare mention of it, they readily came into his first proposal: "they were so horribly afraid," says he, " that the contributionmoney would be set, as an annual charge upon their inheritances, as they would redeem it at any rate; so as, upon the

3 Carte's Orm. vol. i. fol. 98.

4 Id. ib.

s Id. ib.

There was not among all the English commons a more violent opposer of the extension of the king's prerogative, or a more strenuous assertor of the people's liberties, than he was, while he remained plain sir Thomas Wentworth. But being brought over to the court in 1629, he was sworn a privy counsellor, and made a baron, and soon after a viscount. "The duke of Buckingham himself,” says Mr. Howel, "flew not so high in so short a revolution of time. He was made viscount with a great deal of high ceremony, upon a Sunday in the afternoon, at Whitehall. Lord Powis, who affected him not much, being told that the heralds had fetched his pedigree from the blood royal, viz. from John of Gaunt, swore that if ever he came to be king of England, he would turn rebel.”— Letters, p. 211.

Much the same, he tells archbishop Laud, with respect to the lawyers. "I know no reason," says he, "but you may as well rule the common lawyers in England, as I, poor beagle do here; and yet that I do, and will do, in all that concerns my master's service, upon the peril of my head."-State Lett. vol. i. fol. 173. Speaking of Prynne.

Wentworth confesses, that before 1656, "the duties had from the Irish were rather, indeed, viclent takings, ravishments of the poor, than the modest, quiet levies of a pious, and christian king.”—Id. ib. fol. 19,

name of a parliament, it was something strange to see, how instantly they gave consent to this proposition, with all the chearfulness possible, and agreed to have a letter drawn up, making an offer of the next year's contribution, under their hands." "The next labor (adds his lordship) must be to get through the whole kingdom, the hands of the popish party to the like offer, which I assure myself to have within a few weeks."6

CHAP. VI.

Lord Wentworth's manner of modelling the Irish parliament.

LORD Wentworth was not, in the least degree scrupulous as to the legal qualifications of such persons as he intended should constitute this new house of commons; nor indeed did he willingly suffer any to be returned members, whom he did not believe to be some way or other subservient to his predatory designs.*"I shall labor," says he, " to make as ma ny captains, and officers burgesses, in this parliament, as I possibly can; who having immediate dependence on the crown, may almost sway the business between the two parties,† which 1 Cart. ib.

6 Ib. fol. 99.

"I have this day," says he, in a letter to secretary Coke, 86 sent out the writs of summons, and with them above an hundred letters in recommendation of such as, upon advice taken with this council, were held persons ablest and best set for his majesty's service, having both in that and all the rest used the utmost of my power and diligence to get the house to be composed of quiet and governable men.-Straff. St. Lett. vol. i. fol. 259.

+ The protestants and recusants. Wentworth's object was a constant and regular supply for the payment of the army. The recusants were not averse to the raising it by a general tax; but the protestants would have levied it entirely and solely on the recusants, by putting the statute of the 2d of Elizabeth in strict execution. His lordship's method of managing both parties on that occasion is set forth by himself in the following proposal, viz. That the lower house should be so composed, that neither the recusants, nor yet the protestants should appear considerably one more than the other: holding them as much as might be (says he) in an equal balance, as being thus easier to govern. And then, in private discourse, to shew the recusants, that the late contribution ending in December, if his majesty's army was not supplied some other way, the twelve pence per

way they please." One particular instance of his lordship's management in these elections, I shall relate in his own words, because, indeed, it is in itself so extraordinary, that it would hardly gain belief, were it related in the words of any other person.

His lordship had resolved to make Mr. Cateline, who was recorder of Dublin, one of the representatives of that city; but it appears that Cateline's competitor, being either a catholic, or strenuously supported by that interest, was likely to carry the election from him. For the catholics were generally apprehensive, that some severe laws against the exercise of their religion were intended to be passed that session, and therefore, were probably very active in this business of elections, in the different parts of the kingdom. This activity of theirs was Sunday must of necessity be exacted upon them; and on the other hand, to shew the protestants that his majesty's army must not let go the twenty thousand pounds contribution, nor yet, that he would discontent the recusants in matter of religion, till the army were else certainly provided for."-State Lett. val. i.

* "Albeit," says Lord Wentworth, "the popish party are infinitely solicitous that no protestants should be chosen where they can possibly hinder it; yet I am very confident, they will be very forward for the king's supply, so as the matter of religion be not stirred against them."—Ib. vol. i fol. 267.

This apprehension was increased by Lord Wentworth's refusing to call together and consult with the lords of the pale on the state and exigencies of the nation before the meeting of parliament, as till then had been always the deputy's custom. Wentworth himself relates his own indecent manner of treating the earl of Fingal, deputed by the other lords of the pale, to wait upon him with that request. 66 My lord chancellor moving, that the lords of the pale, according to the custom of former times, might be conferred withal, concerning the parliament and matters therein to be propounded; I presently silenced it by a direct and round answer; and within four days after, the earl of Fingal came purposely to me in this chamber, where he told me the report went, there would be a parliament, and that their lordships of the pale had been accustomed to be consulted with before those meetings, to assemble and ta e advice together, what to propound for the good of the people, and therefore desired to be ascertained therein, that they might prepare themselves accordingly. This nobleman (as I conceive) being a person, not of the best affections that would be esteemed to be the advocate of the public; and which was as observable as any of the rest, coming, as it were, the mouth to open for them all, I thought fit to close it as soon and surely as I could; therefore my answer was quick. I told him, that assuredly, his majesty would reject with scorn, all such fo

foundation enough for Wentworth to pretend in excuse of his own violent interposition in this election for Dublin,«that the sheriff of that city had carried himself mutinously;" but in what respect he does not mention, otherwise than by a bare suspicion of his own," that he was set on by priests and friars to suffer no protestant to be returned to parliament." On this suspicion, however, he brought him3 into the castle chamber,† upon an Ore tenus; where, upon what he had set down under his hand, he fined him in two hundred pounds, and five hundred pounds more, for his contempt in refusing to set his hand to another part of his examination, disabling him from ever bearing that office in the city: "Which," adds his lordship, "wrought so good an effect, as giving order presently

reign instructors; that the king's own councils were sufficient to govern his own affairs and people, without borrowing from any private man whatsoever. I perceived his lordship a little out of countenance, and hastening from the tenet, telling me it was only to put me in mind of what had formerly been the custom, and that the lord of Faulkland had called their lordships of the pale in like case. My answer was, that lord Faulkland should be no rule in this for me." Wentworth adds in the same letter to secretary Coke (as if he was diffident how this discourse and treatment would be taken by the king), “ if I may from you gather it was too much, I will put some water in my wine, and express it more mildly to his majesty's contentment, as well in the manner as the matter."-Strafford's State Lett. vol. i. p.246.

This appears from Wentworth's speech to this parliament; wherein, in order to remove all such apprehensions, he tells them, "that meeting was merely civil, religion not at all concerned one way or other. In this," he adds, "I have endeavored to give you satisfaction, both privately and publicly. And now I assure you again, there is nothing of religion to be stirred in this parliament.”—Id. ib. fol. 289,

* Earl of Strafford to the earl of Newcastle, April 17th, 1635: "I understand the jesuits and friars are much incensed against me in my own par◄ ticular, as fearing they may come to be remembered for all their practices, in this parliament."-State Letters, vol, i, fol, 412.

"Ever M'Mahon (a Romish ecclesiastic) so early as the year 1634, gave information to lord Strafford of a general insurrection intended in Ireland, to be assisted from abroad."--Leland's History, vol. iii. p. 91.

And yet," it does not appear by lord Macguire's narration, that any of the Romish clergy were present (in 1641) at the meeting of the conspirators except Ever M'Mahon."—Ib.

↑ A tyrannical court then held by the deputy of Ireland, similar to that of the star-chamber in England.

for chusing a new sheriff, and going on the next day with the election again, the voices were all orderly taken; and the conformable proving the greatest number, Cateline and alderman Barry, a protestant, were chosen." There were at this time more than an hundred Roman catholics to one protestant in Ireland,+ and Roman catholics were then equally with protestants qualified to vote at elections.

The deputy had also resolved, to make this Cateline speaker of the house of commons,5" And, as I understood," says he, "there was a muttering among them of rejecting him, and chusing some other for themselves, I called the lord chancellor to me, and directed him to require them forthwith to assemble themselves in their house, and to chuse their speaker, who was to be presented to me by nine o'clock the next morning; telling them it was not worth their contention, and that it would be taken as an ill presage of some waywardness or forwardness of mind, if they should go about to deny such for their speaker, as should be recommended by his majesty's privy council; or to struggle in a business, wherein the conclusion. must be according to his majesty's good will and pleasure, whether they will or no. So they departed (adds he), and before dinner, without any noise or opposition at all, they chose the recorder for their speaker."

His lordship, however, understanding what dangerous broils and tumults had happened in the house of commons in 1614, under sir Arthur Chichester's government, upon the like occasion of forcing a speaker upon them, did, after sir Arthur's example, issue a proclamation, " that neither the peers nor commoners should come into parliament with swords." Concerning this proclamation, I shall relate a passage of a young nobleman, of whom I shall hereafter have occasion to make frequent mention. "Pursuant to orders, the usher of the black rod was planted at the door of the house of lords, to take the swords of the peers; and as the earl of Ormond was coming in, he demanded his, but was refused. That officer hereupon shewed the proclamation, and repeated his demand in a rough The earl told him, that if he must have his sword, he should have it in his guts; and so marched on to his seat, 5 Ib. fol. 277. 6 Ib. fol. 64.

nanner.

Ib. fol. 170.