HOUSE OF COMMONS.

MONDAY, MARCH 18.

LORD VISCOUNT MORPETH.-Sir, I have been most pointedly requested to support the petition just presented from the borough of Leeds. I am most happy to do so, because I most fully concur in its prayer; at the same time, I cannot help observing that it will really amount to a great annoyance if all the towns which have obtained representatives of their own, shall call upon the Members of the counties, in which those towns are situated, to attend and give their support to petitions. Certainly, if any town have a peculiar claim upon the county Members, it is Leeds-the largest town in the West Riding of Yorkshire, and containing a community which, I will take upon myself to state, has been more prominent in its opposition to negro slavery than any other district in the British empire.

Mr. STRICKLAND.-I quite concur with my Noble Colleague as to the propriety of county Members not, in general, taking part in the business of those places which have Members of their own; but on some occasions it may be allowed us to deviate from that course, especially when Members have received a particular request to do so this is my case on the present occasion. I give this petition my support because I think the time is come when the feelings of the people of England, which have been so strongly expressed upon this subject, ought to be attended to, and the question

set at rest.

Mr. COBBETT.-As to Members for counties being called upon to support petitions coming from towns having representatives of their own, it is a question which had better be left alone, every Member having a right to do therein as he pleases. With regard to the subject-matter of the petition, I have to observe, with respect to my constituents, that they wish slavery to be abolished; but they, at the same time, are most anxious to be informed whether the negroes are worse fed than they are? My opinion is, that they are fed a great deal better than the working people of England, Ireland, or Scotland; and I should like some Member to produce, before any Bill is brought in, some statement to shew the comparative treatment of the slaves and the working people of this country. I am aware of the zeal of the public upon this question, but they have been greatly misled. I have told my constituents that I will vote for this measure, merely to please them; but, if an examination were to take place, I am sure it would be found that the negroes of Jamaica were better off than the working-people of this kingdom.

Mr. ANDREW JOHNSTON.-As a Member of the Committee which sat last Session upon this subject, I beg to say that I entirely differ from the sentiments just expressed by the Honourable Member for Oldham. I beg to refer him to the Report of that Committee; and if he gives it a dispassionate perusal, I have no doubt he will be convinced, that the condition of the labourers of this country, however distressed they at present may be, is infinitely superior to that of the negroes of the West Indies.

TUESDAY, MARCH 19.

On Mr. FoWELL BUXTON being called upon by the Speaker, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose and said,—I have to request my Honourable Friend not to bring forward the motion of which he has given notice respecting colonial slavery, at the present moment. It would be both disadvantageous to the question, and embarrassing to the House, to have it discussed at this moment. As Ministers have intimated their intention of preparing some measure on this subject, I hope my Honourable Friend will consent to postpone the discussion of it for the present.

Mr. FoWELL BUXTON.-No man is more conscious than I am that it would be far better that this great question should be undertaken by Government rather than by any individual Member of this House. But I am compelled to resist the request of the Noble Lord, unless upon two conditions, namely-first, that Government will prepare a plan for the complete and immediate abolition of slavery; and second, that they will fix a day to introduce that measure to this House. It may appear that I am too pertinacious in this matter, but when I am asked to postpone this great measure, what prospect have I? When I look at the Order-Book, I see there is not a vacant day till June next, and when I reflect on the business that is before this House after Easter-Finance-India-the Church I see clearly what will be the fate of this great question, if I postpone it without some definite assurance that it will be brought before the consideration of this House. It will be postponed for the Session and the fact is, if it is not settled in this place by legislation, there is too much reason to fear it will be settled elsewhere in a much more disastrous manner. Therefore, however obstinate I may appear, and however painful it is to me to resist the request, before made to me in private, and now in public, by the Noble Lord, I am compelled to proceed at once with the motion, unless his Majesty's Government can fix a day on which they will be prepared to explain their plans with respect to colonial slavery.

THE CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER.-It is impossible for me to comply with the first of the conditions mentioned by the Honourable Member; but with respect to the other-that Government shall fix a day on which they will bring forward this question-I certainly have no objection to state, that Government will be prepared on Tuesday, the 23rd of April, to state the views they take of the subject. Of course I cannot, at the present time, state what the plans are which his Majesty's Government have in contemplation.

Mr. FOWELL BUXTON.-When I used the words "complete and immediate" abolition of slavery, I of course had respect to that "safe and satisfactory" measure which has been already alluded to by his Majesty's Ministers, because it appears to me evident, that nothing can be safe and satisfactory which is not of the character I have described. The Noble Lord is pledged to a safe and satisfactory measure, and with what appears to me the obvious meaning of those words I am perfectly satisfied, and am, therefore, content to withdraw my motion.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

THURSDAY, MARCH 28.

LORD SUFFIELD.-I rise to present three petitions to your Lordships, on the subject of colonial slavery, which are most deserving of your attention, in consequence of the multitude of signatures attached to them. I confess, my Lords, that it is contrary to my original intention that I present these petitions to your Lordships; but I am induced, in consequence of peculiar circumstances, to depart from that intention, and I therefore take the opportunity when a question is coming before the House which has attracted a larger assemblage of Noble Lords than is usually brought together, to bring three of the most important petitions in my possession under your notice. At the same time, I must repeat, that I have not the least hesitation in stating, that I do so, contrary to my original intention, Certain rumours have lately been afloat respecting the plan of emancipation to be proposed by Government, which I confess have produced in my mind, and I believe in that of the public, the greatest consternation. I do not mean to say that those rumours have lessened the general confidence which I am disposed to place in his Majesty's Ministers, or cause me to regard with distrust their intentions with respect to the particular question to which the petitions I hold in my band refer. I feel convinced that the principles of my Noble Friends near me are sound and right, and I have no doubt that they are fully disposed to act upon them; but yet I am not blind to the formidable array of prejudice and false notions of self-interest with which they have to contend. I am anxious, therefore, to obtain for them such support throughout the country, and such a decided expression of the national feeling, as can alone enable them to encounter the opponents of the settlement of this question. The petitioners pray for total and immediate emancipation; and I trust that other petitions which I shall, hereafter, have the honour to present, in consequence of what has gone forth on this subject, will more distinctly declare that nothing short of total and immediate emancipation will satisfy the people of England. Now, my Lords, allow me to explain what is meant by the word "immediate," as used in these petitions, and also by the members of the Anti-Slavery Society, feeling, as I do, how necessary it is for me to do this, in consequence of the pains which have been taken to abuse the public mind, and to mislead them as to the intent and meaning of the word "immediate" so employed by us. By "immediate emancipation" is meant-not that the slaves shall be at once liberated on the sending out of a despatch, or the sailing of a ship-but that, at the earliest possible period, there shall take place a substitution of legal restraint for the present absolute and irresponsible power of the slave master. In that proposition, I entirely concur; and sure I am, that when the people of England are made acquainted with what has passed on this subject, they will call for total and immediate emancipation as strenuously, as decidedly, as they called for reform two years ago.

The first petition which I shall have the honour of laying on the Table comes from the inhabitants of Edinburgh, and is signed by 21,291 persons. The petitioners state, "that every year the mind of the intelligent portion of society has become more strongly convinced that slavery is essentially iniquitous-hostile to the best interests both of the master and the servant-and utterly ruinous to colonial property; that notwithstanding the very slow-because impeded-progress of educational light, the slave population is rapidly approaching a period at which further submission to their miserable lot will be refused; and when the continuance of coercion would most probably entail an expenditure of human life, at which Christian benevolence shudders, and which no sound principle could justify the hazarding; -that the interlinking of the slave with the free black and coloured population is now so extensive, as to give a mighty preponderance of the oppressed over the opppressor, unless that preponderance be balanced by a foreign force, which it is vain, if not impracticable, any longer to maintain ;-that, in the mean time, the slave-holder, instead of making progress with the national mind, in favour of conceding to the slave, even in distant prospect, the enjoyment of his rights, is retrograding towards measures of avowed tyranny; and has recently exhibited, in the profuse expenditure of human blood-in the destruction of places of religious worship-in the wanton exposure of Christian ministers to criminal trial-and in the yet more recent measures for the exclusion of religious teachers, an utter want of sympathy with those views and feelings which have been almost unanimously expressed throughout the British empire, against their iniquitous system; that, under these circumstances, your petitioners have no course left to them, but to approach once more the Bar of your Right Honourable House, and respectfully, but firmly, to demand, without delay, the entire emancipation of their unjustly enslaved brethren and fellow subjects; that they know no ground on which this assumed superiority of man over man-of the white race over the black, can be vindicated;-they know no principle of expediency on which it can be justifiably retained ;-they see no possibility of its much longer endurance under any state of circum

stances.

My Lords, I say that there is not a person, who is acquainted with the state of the West Indies, but feels that such is the fact; but while I admit that difficulties may exist on the one side, I say the danger is all on the other; and I would not, for worlds, have that responsibility weighing upon me which will rest upon his Majesty's Ministers, if they delay the settlement of this question. Again the petitioners state-"While, therefore, the tide of events is still within the influence of your most Honourable House, they ask, respectfully, the accomplishment, by salutary enactment, of that change in the relations of the fettered operative and his master, which must otherwise be speedily brought about by the peremptory control of more appalling, but irresistible movements." They ask liberty of person, and equal rights, for the black man, indiscriminately with the white, in every quarter of the British dominions. They ask for the imme

diate emancipation of their fellow men, from the thraldom and tyranny of a petty private jurisdiction, which no legal enactment can sanctify, which no legal superintendence, however vigilant, can control, and which is utterly abhorrent to the first principles of the British Constitution. In fine, my Lords, I think-indeed, I am sure —that when the rumours which are afloat become known throughout the country, they will produce one unanimous prayer for total and immediate emancipation. I think it is the duty of every Englishman, at this most momentous crisis, to raise his voice and cry for total and immediate abolition of negro slavery, if such shall be→→ as I cannot doubt it will be-his wish and desire.

LORD ELLENBOROUGH.-I certainly, my Lords, am not aware what the rumours are to which the Noble Lord has alluded; and I think it would have been more convenient if he had stated to us what the reports are which have excited so much alarm on this subject. Without entertaining any particular confidence in his Majesty's Ministers, I certainly should be extremely unwilling to take the responsibility from them, of the settlement of the question of negro slavery, to impose it on the Noble Baron in their stead. In common with the Noble Baron, I must say that I did expect we should have been called upon by his Majesty's Ministers, ere this, to discuss this question; and I confess that I deeply regret such has not been the case, for I consider that the state in which this question stands at present, is of such a nature that it must be productive-I will not say, merely of inconvenience-but of danger to the public interests. The question at this moment may actually be considered as suspended; and if his Majesty's Ministers have prepared any plan, it is highly desirable that they should produce it, and subject it to the investigation of Parliament. The delay in doing so, tends to create difficulties, which may frustrate the carrying into effect the intentions of Parliament as declared in 1823, and may defeat the reasonable wishes of the people. The uncertainty in which the matter stands now, both here and in the West Indies, must create in the minds both of the planters and the slaves, feelings that will render it difficult, if not almost impossible, for Parliament to adopt, hereafter, any measure beneficial to the great interests of the country, and capable of being carried into effect with safety to the colonies. I deprecate delay, but at the same time I wish to avoid precipitancy; and I hope that when the plan to be brought forward by his Majesty's Ministers shall be produced, it will appear that they have taken a more able and statesmanlike view of the subject, than appears to be entertained by the Noble Baron. Yet whatever their views may be, I must be permitted to say that I think great public mischief does result from their not declaring what those views are.

LORD SUFFIELD.-Only a few words, my Lords, as to the rumours to which I alluded. I certainly am not very fond of referring to articles in newspapers, but I have seen in a newspaper a plan of emancipation-partaking of a demi-official character-which I think will not satisfy the people of England; and in conversations which I have had with persons connected with the West Indies, I have heard