worth, adds-"The passages which I have thus largely quoted will, I trust, leave no doubt in any reader's mind that the Earl of Strafford was party in a conspiracy to subvert the fundamental laws and liberties of his country. For here are not, as on his trial, accusations of words spoken in heat, uncertain as to proof, and of ambiguous interpretation: nor of actions variously reported, and capable of some explanation; but the sincere unbosoming of the heart in letters never designed to come to light".

2. Bishop Laud. Laud was translated to the see of London, 1628, and from that time became virtually primate, though he did not receive the title till 1633. He was not only the king's adviser in ecclesiastical affairs, but also in civil. Windebanke, his creature, was Secretary of State, Dr. Juxon dean of his majesty's closet, that as Laud says in his diary, "I might have one that I might trust near his majesty". The bishop himself held civil offices, being on the Committees of Trade, and the King's Revenue, and one of the Treasury Commissioners. "This was the man," Hume remarks "who acquired so great an ascendant over Charles, and who led him by the facility of his temper, into a conduct which proved so fatal to himself and to his kingdoms". Laud professed a dislike to the exercise of civil functions, but it is justly observed "that he entered zealously on his new duties, and bore the odium of devising and assisting to execute many unwarrantable schemes for the improvement of the revenue. He no doubt sincerely believed in the divine right of kings, and all the consequences of absolute lordship over the person and property of the subject; and finding these questioned, an unhappy infirmity of temper induced him to concur in any means, however arbitrary or cruel, which seemed likely to crush opposition, and render his master, independent of parliaments". The determination of the bishop to " 'go through" appears abundantly proved from his correspondence with Wentworth. Thus, when speaking of the hindrances he found in England, and the impossibility to "go thorough alone", he congratulates the Deputy on his government of Ireland, and adds "Oh that I were, where I might go so too! but I am shackled between delays and uncertainties; you have a great deal of honor here for your proceedings go on in God's name".

But what made Laud's administration most offensive was the introduction of additional ceremonies and observances in connexion with divine service, at a time when the humour of the nation was running in the opposite direction. This conduct made men think that there was a secret purpose in it all, and that Laud's scheme was to lead back the English by gradual steps to the religion of their ancestors. And it appeared to sup

port this notion, that envoys from the pope should have permission to reside in London, and that Laud should twice have had the offer of a cardinal's hat. Lingard however says with respect to this matter:-"It appears to me plain that Charles had no idea of a re-union between the churches; and that if ever Laud cherished such a project he kept it to himself. Panzani (one of the papal envoys) never saw him; nor is there anything in the correspondence except the assertion of Montague to make appear that the archbishop was favorable to it".

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3. Bishop Short's account of Laud's proceedings. "When Laud was made archbishop, (1633) he pressed conformity, and attended much to the ceremonies of the church, so that a preacher was censured for saying, that the night was approaching, since shadows were growing so much longer than the bodies, and ceremonies regarded more than the power of godliness. In his eagerness in this respect, he not only enforced those ceremonies which had been appointed, but took great delight in increasing the number of them. He had put up a crucifix on the altar in Westminster Abbey at the coronation; had used considerable pomp in the consecration of churches, adopting an office, composed by Andrews, bishop of Winchester, which corresponds almost entirely with the service of the church of Rome; had directed the communion tables to be surrounded with rails, and the communicants to approach the altar, and caused various genuflexions and bowings to be used on entering and leaving church. Most of which ceremonies were in themselves very innocent, and it was natural, at a time when the neglect of them was growing into fashion, that a man of Laud's views should studiously observe them; but it was madness to suppose that the enforcing them would cure the evil, or fail to irritate and augment the disorder. Pure Christianity, when placed near fanaticism, or formalism, will ordinarily soon gain the ascendant over either the one or the other, but extremes are little likely to produce a cure to their opposite evils.

Laud, however, was not contented with putting in force existing laws or practising such ceremonies as he himself approved; but when in 160, Charles was compelled to call a parliament, which he so soon dissolved, to the regret of all good men, the convocation which then assembled proceeded to frame a body of canons, and continued their sessions beyond the existence of the parliament. These canons were put forth to the world, at a moment when every one was ready to cavil at the acts of legitimate authority, and under circumstances which might have made them questionable at any other time, inasmuch as it was presumed by many, that upon the dissolution of the parliament, its sister assembly ceased at the same moment. The convocation was in fact now changed into a synod, in which capacity, to use the words of Lord Clarendon, it made canons, which it was thought it might do; and gave subsidies out of parliament, and enjoined oaths, which certainly it might not do: in a word, did many things, which the best of times might have questioned, and therefore were more to be condemned in the worst; and drew the same prejudice upon the whole body of clergy, to which before only some few

clergymen were exposed'. The canons themselves are such as prove the violence of those who framed them, who must have been actuated by despair or fatuity to select such a time for their publication."

SECTION VII. IRREGULAR MODES OF RAISING A

REVENUE.

1. Tunnage, poundage, and other duties. As the king had determined to rule without a parliament, one of the first and most pressing considerations, was that of the enlargement of the revenue. For the prodigality of preceding sovereigns had so reduced the patrimony of the crown, that it could no longer support the usual charges of the government. From the commencement of the reign, irregular methods of raising money had been resorted to by the king, and solemnly protested against by the Commons, but now it became part of the system, and as such was pursued till 1640. The Petition of Right clearly made it illegal to levy any moneys on the people, without the previous consent of parliament, but Charles not only levied tunnage and poundage, he augmented the rates on merchandise, and ordered the goods of such as refused payment, to be instantly seized and sold.

2. Compositions and fines. The early kings of England had introduced the practice of summoning their military tenants to receive knighthood; those who neglected to do so were punished by fines levied on their property. Both Elizabeth and James had put in force this ancient right of the crown. It had however come to be considered a mere form, and the writs received little attention, either from the sheriff or those to whom the summons was addressed. Charles, nevertheless, called on all who had neglected the summons to compound for their neglect. Commissioners were appointed to fix the amount of composition, and though some had courage to dispute the legality of the demand, it was invariably decided against them. The lowest composition was two subsidies and a half, but in particular instances, very heavy fines were imposed, probably, Hallam supposes, from some political resentment. It is said, the king realised £100,000 in this way, still it was a poor compensation for losing the support of the numerous lesser landholders and country gentlemen. Compositions were also taken from Catholics, in some cases of heavy amount.

Another mode of replenishing the public purse, was that of fines. Defective titles could thus be remedied, and frauds in the sale of lands formerly belonging to the crown pardoned. In like manner fines of greater magnitude were imposed by a court appointed for the recovery of the king's forestal rights, or those lands which had at one time belonged to a royal chace. No prescription could

be pleaded against the king's title, and men were driven from lands which they and their fathers had long occupied as their own. In Essex the royal forests were so enlarged, that they were said to have swallowed up the whole county; the boundaries of Rockingham forest were increased from six to sixty miles, and enormous fines imposed upon those who were deemed trespassers. Lord Salisbury was required to pay £20,000, Lord Westmoreland £19,000, Sir Christopher Hatton £12,000, Lord Newport £3,000, Sir Lewis Watson £4,000, and many others in smaller sums, for encroachments on the forest of Rockingham alone. The Earl of Southampton was reduced to comparative poverty, by being deprived of his estate near the New Forest.

Fines were also levied for disregard of proclamations, even though illegal and declared to be so by the judges, as in the case of new houses built in London. In consequence of this opinion of the judges, houses had been built, whose rents amounted to about £100,000 per annum. The owners were now summoned, some of whom were fined, others ordered to pull down what they had built, and the remainder paid a fine of three years' rent, and were charged with an annual fine to be paid to the crown for ever. By this species of oppression, £100,000 was raised.

3. Revival of monopolies. Battle had been repeatedly given in the Commons against this grievance, and as was supposed, a final victory won, but the king set all such decisions at defiance Monopolies were not only revived, but extended, for instead of being confined to a few individuals, they were now granted to incorporated companies, which paid large sums for the exclusive. privilege of dealing in certain articles. Thus, the soap company paid £10,000 for its charter, and agreed to pay in addition eight pounds for every ton of soap made. The company was empowered to appoint searchers, and exercise a sort of inquisition over the trade, and whoever offered resistance was severely fined, on informations laid in the Star Chamber. A great variety of grants of a similar character was made, till monopolies became as common as they had been under James or Elizabeth. As these payments ultimately fell upon the consumer, they constituted really an indirect tax, imposed by the sole authority of the crown. extent to which this grievance reached, may be gathered from the following incomplete list: salt, soap, coals, iron, wine, leather, starch, feathers, beaver, lace, tobacco, barrels, beer, distilled liquors, red-herrings, butter, potash, linen, hops, salt-petre, gunpowder, &c.

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4. Ship money. There were good reasons to urge for making some extraordinary efforts to raise an efficient fleet. The Algerine pirates scoured the English Channel, and not only made

prizes of our trading vessels, but actually landed and carried off the people as slaves. They equally infested the Irish seas, and made free with Dublin itself, till Wentworth fitted out some armed ships at his own expense. The Dutch moreover were now rapidly acquiring a maritime preponderance, and disputed the right of the English crown to the dominion of the narrow seas. And further, the English fisheries were annually invaded by the Dutch and French fishermen. Charles, no doubt, felt that the nation was being disgraced, but the means were wanting, till Noy, the attorneygeneral, discovered among the records in the Tower, that in early times, seaports and maritime counties had sometimes been called upon to furnish ships for the public service, and that even inland places had been subject to a similar demand. Noy drew the first writ for ship-money, but he died two months before it was issued. (Oct. 1634.) The writ was directed to the magistrates of London and other seaports, and while it acknowledged that the charge ought to be borne by all alike, yet those who were most interested in maritime commerce were chiefly bound, as it was to provide a safe conduct of ships and merchandise. London was commanded to provide and fully equip seven ships of war, to carry not less than about sixteen hundred men, whose charges for twenty-six weeks were to be defrayed by the citizens. Other ports were charged in proportion. The fleet raised in this way was sent to sea, and did some service.

In 1635, writs were sent to the inland counties, only in this case, instead of ships, money was to be raised, the magistrates being empowered to assess the inhabitants; and when any one refused or neglected to pay, his goods were sold to the amount of the assessment and the additional charges. This tax brought into the king's coffers a yearly sum of £200,000, and was designed, as Clarendon says, "for a spring and magazine that should have no bottom, and for an everlasting supply on all occasions”.

5. The judges declare the levying of Ship-money to be legal, 1656. As this tax was murmured against by most people, and doubts of its legality began to prevail, the opinion of the judges was taken and afterwards published. Their resolution stated that "when the good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole kingdom is in danger, his majesty might, by writ under the great seal, command all his subjects, at their charge, to provide and furnish such number of ships, with men, munition, and victual, and for such time as he should think fit, for the defence and safeguard of the kingdom; and that by law he might compel the doing hereof, in case of refusal or refractoriness; and that he was the sole judge, both of the danger, and when and how the same was to be prevented and avoided".

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