arrangement necessary for the protection of theirs;-a mode of reasoning perfectly true, and perfectly ap plicable, if we sought any interference with, or control over, the Protestant Church,--if we asked or required that a single Catholic should be consulted upon the management of the Protestant Church, or of its revenues or privileges.

But the fact does not bear him out; for we do not seek nor desire, nor would we accept of, any kind of interference with the Protestant Church. We disclaim and disavow any kind of control over it. We ask not, nor would we allow, any Catholic authority over the mode of appointment of their clergy. Nay, we arc quite content to be excluded forever from even advis ing his Majesty with respect to any matter relating to or concerning the Protestant Church,-its rights, its properties, or its privileges. I will, for my own part, go much further, and I do declare, most solemnly, that I would feel and express equal, if not stronger repugnance, to the interference of a Catholic with the Protestant Church, than that I have expressed and do feel to any Protestant interference with ours. In opposing their interference with us, I content myself with the mere war of words. But, if the case were reversed,— if the Catholic sought this control over the religion of the Protestant,--the Protestant should command my heart, my tongue, my arm, in opposition to so unjust and insulting a measure. So help me God! I would, in that case, not only feel for the Protestant, and speak for him, but I would fight for him, and cheerfully sacrifice my life in defence of the great principle for

which I have ever contended, the principle of univer sal and complete religious liberty!

ON THE IRISH DISTURBANCE BILL.-Daniel O'Connell.

I do not rise to fawn or cringe to this House;-I do not rise to supplicate you to be merciful toward the Nation to which I belong, toward a Nation which, though subject to England, yet is distinct from it. It is a distinct Nation: it has been treated as such by this country, as may be proved by history, and by seven hundred years of tyranny. I call upon this House, as you value the liberty of England, not to allow the present nefarious bill to pass. In it are involved the liberties of England, the liberty of the Press, and of every other institution dear to Englishmen. Against the bill I protest, in the name of the Irish People, and in the face of Heaven. I treat with scorn the puny and pitiful assertions, that grievances are not to be complained of,—that our redress is not to be agitated; for, in such cases, remonstrances cannot be too strong, agitation cannot be too violent, to show to the world with what injustice our fair claims are met, and under what tyranny the People suffer.

The clause which does away with trial by jury,— what, in the name of Heaven, is it, if it is not the establishment of a revolutionary tribunal? It drives the judge from his bench; it does away with that which is more sacred than the Throne itself,-that for which your king reigns, your lords deliberate, your commons assemble. If ever I doubted, before, of the

success of our agitation for repeal, this bill,--this infamous bill,--the way in which it has been received by the House; the manner in which its opponents have been treated; the personalities to which they have been subjected; the yells with which one of them has this night been greeted, all these things dissipate my doubts, and tell me of its complete and early triumph. Do you think those yells will be forgotten? Do you suppose their echo will not reach the plains of my injured and insulted country; that they will not be whispered in her green valleys, and heard from her lofty hills? O, they will be heard there!-yes; and they will not be forgotten. The youth of Ireland will bound with indignation,-they will say, "We are eight millions; and you treat us thus, as though we were no more to your country than the isle of Guernsey on of Jersey!"

I have done my duty. I stand acquitted to my conscience and my country. I have opposed this 1easure throughout; and I now protest against it, as harsh, oppressive, uncalled for, unjust;-as establishing an infamous precedent, by retaliating crime against crime —as tyrannɔus,—-cruelly and vindictively tyrannous !

THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH OF IRELAND, 1845.--T. B. Macaulay.

The English Church in Ireland was at length disestablished, and its iniquity acknowledged by the English Government in 1869.

Of all the institutions now existing in the civilized world, the Established Church of Ireland seems to me

the most absurd. Is there anything else like it? Was there ever anything else like it? The world is full of ecclesiastical establishments. But such a portent as this Church of Ireland is nowhere to be found. Look round the continent of Europe. Ecclesiastical establishments from the White Sea to the Mediterranean; ecclesiastical establishments from the Wolga to the Atlantic; but nowhere the church of a small minority enjoying exclusive establishment. Look at America. There you have all forms of Christianity, from Mormonism-if you call Mormonism Christianity-to Romanism. In some places you have the voluntary system. In some you have several religions connected with the State. In some you have the solitary ascendency of a single Church. But nowhere, from the Arctic Circle to Cape Horn, do you find the Church of a small minority exclusively established. In one country alone-in Ireland alone is to be seen the spectacle of a community of eight millions of human beings, with a Church which is the Church of only eight hundred thousand!

Two hundred and eighty-five years has this Church been at work. What could have been done for it in the way of authority, privileges, endowments, which has not been done? Did any other set of bishops and priests in the world ever receive so much for doing so little? Nay, did any other set of bishops and priests in the world ever receive half as much for doing twice as much? And what have we to show for all this lavish expenditure? What, but the most zealous Roman Catholic population on the face of the earth? On the great, solid mass of the Roman Catholic population you

have made no impression whatever. There they are, as they were ages ago, ten to one against the members of your Established Church. Explain this to me. I speak to you, the zealous Protestants on the other side of the House. Explain this to me on Protestant principles. If I were a Roman Catholic, I could easily account for the phenomenon. If I were a Roman Catholic, I should content myself with saying that the mighty hand and the outstretched arm had been put forth according to the promise, in defence of the unchangeable Church; that He, who, in the old time, turned into blessings the curses of Balaam, and smote the host of Sennacherib, had signally confounded the arts and the power of heretic statesmen. But what is the Protestant to say? Is this a miracle that we should stand aghast at it? Not at all. It is a result which human prudence ought to have long ago foreseen, and long ago averted. It is the natural succession of effect to cause. A Church exists for moral ends. A Church exists to be loved, to be reverenced, to be heard with docility, to reign in the understandings and hearts of men. A Church which is abhorred is useless, or worse than useless, and to quarter, a hostile Church on a conquered People, as you would quarter a soldiery, is, therefore, the most absurd of mistakes.

ON LIMITING THE HOURS OF LABOR, 1846.-T. B. Macau

lay.

If we consider man simply in a commercial point of view, simply as a machine for productive labor, let us