6. The American leaves nothing to the mercy of an arbitrary power. He understands that, commencing with his soul, all that belongs to and surrounds him should be free-family, commerce, province, association for letters or science, for the worship of his God or the well-being of his body.

7. The European democrat, idolater of what he calls the State, takes the man from his infancy to offer him as a holocaust to public omnipotence,

8. He pretends that the infant, before seeing the property of the family, is the property of the city, and the city—that is, the people represented by those who govern it has the right to form his intellect on a uniform and equal model. He pretends that the commune, the province, and every association, even the most indifferent, depend on the State, and can neither act, speak, sell, buy, nor, in fine, exist without the intervention of the State, and only within the bonds determined by it, making thus the most absolute civil servitude the vestibule and foundation of political liberty.

9. The American gives to the unity of the country only just what is necessary to make it a body; the European democrat oppresses every man in order to create for him, under the name of country, a narrow prison.

10. If, finally, gentlemen, we compare the results, American democracy has founded a great peoplereligious, powerful, respected; free, in fine, although not without trials and perils. European democracy has broken the ties that connect the present with the past, buried abuses in ruins, raised up here and there a pre

carious liberty, agitated the world by events much more than it has renewed it by institutions; and, incontesta ble master of the future, it prepares for us, if not instructed, the frightful alternative of a demagogy without foundations, or a despotism without curb. LECORDAIRE,

THE DEATH OF O'CONNELL.

There is sad news from Genoa. An aged and weary pilgrim, who can travel no further, passes beneath the gate of one of her ancient palaces, saying with pious resignation as he enters its silent chambers, "Well, it is God's will that I shall never see Rome. I am disappointed. But I am ready to die. It is all right." The superb though fading queen of the Mediterranean holds anxious watch, through ten long days, over that majestic stranger's wasting frame. And now death is there the Liberator of Ireland has sunk to rest in the Cradle of Columbus.

2. Coincidence beautiful and most sublime! It was the very day set apart by the elder daughter of the Church for prayer and sacrifice throughout the world, for the children of the sacred island, perishing by. famine and pestilence in their homes and in their native fields, and on their crowded paths of exile, on the sea and in the havens, and on the lakes, and along the rivers of this far-distant land. The chimes rung out by pity for his countrymen were O'Connell's fitting knell; his soul went forth on clouds of incense that rose from altars of Christian charity; and the mourn

ful anthems which recited the faith, and the virtue, and the endurance of Ireland, were his becoming re quiem.

3. It is a holy sight to see the obsequies of a soldier, not only of civil liberty, but of the liberty of conscience -of a soldier, not only of freedom, but of the Cross of Christ-of a benefactor, not merely of a race of peo ple, but of mankind. The vault lighted by suspended worlds is the temple within which the great solemnities are celebrated. The nations of the earth are mourners; and the spirits of the just made perfect, descending from their golden thrones on high, break forth into songs.

4. Behold now a nation which needeth not to speak its melancholy precedence. The lament of Ireland comes forth from palaces deserted, and from shrines restored; from Boyne's dark water, witness of her desolation, and from Tara's lofty hill, ever echoing her renown. But louder and deeper yet that wailing comes from the lonely huts on mountain and on moor, where the people of the greenest island of all the seas are expiring in the midst of insufficient though world-wide charities. Well indeed may they deplore O'Connell, fo: they were his children; and he bore them

"A love so vehement, so strong, so pure,

That ueither age could change nor art could cure."

W. H. SEWARD,

DECLARATION OF IRISH RIGHTS, 1780.--Henry Grattan.

Henry Grattan, one of the most renowned of Irish orators, was born in Dublin, on the 3d of July, 1746, and died in 1820. In December, 1775, he took his seat in the Irish House of Commons; and from that time till 1800, he figured politically in that body chiefly. The Irish Revolution of 1782 was carried mainly by his efforts. Although a Protestant, he was a most earnest advocate of the entire emancipation of the Catholics from all invidious distinctions and disabilities. In 1805 Grattan took his seat in the British Parliament, where he became the leading Champion of Catholic rights. The passages from his speeches in this collection bearing date anterior to 1805, were pronounced in the Irish Parliament; those of a subsequent date, were delivered before the popular branch of the Imperial Parliament. Of Grattan we may add, in the words of the Rev. Sydney Smith:-"No Government ever dismayed him; the world could not bribe him: he thought only of Ireland; lived for no other object; dedicated to her his beautiful fancy, his manly courage, and all the splendor of his astonishing eloquence."

Sir, I have entreated an attendance on this day, that you might, in the most public manner, deny the claim of the British Parliament to make law for Ireland, and with one voice lift up your hands against it. England now smarts under the lesson of the American war; her enemies are a host, pouring upon her from all quarters of the earth; her armies are dispersed; the sea is not hers; she has no minister, no ally, no admiral, none in whom she long confides, and no general whom she has not disgraced; the balance of her fate is in the hands of Ireland; you are not only her last connection,-you are the only nation in Europe that is not her enemy. Let corruption tremble; but let the friends of liberty rejoice at these means of safety, and this hour of re

demption. You have done too much not to do more; you have gone too far not to go on; you have brought yourselves into that situation in which you must silently abdicate the rights of your country, or publicly restore them. Where is the freedom of trade? Where is the security of property? Where is the liberty of the People? I therefore say, nothing is safe, satisfactory, or honorable, nothing except a declaration of rights. What! are you, with three hundred thousand men at your back, with charters in one hand and arms in the other, afraid to say you are a free People? If England is a tyrant, it is you have made her so; it is the slave that makes the tyrant, and then murmurs at the master whom he himself has constituted.

The British minister mistakes the Irish character; had he intended to make Ireland a slave, he should have kept her a beggar. There is no middle policy: win her heart by the restoration of her rights, or cut off the Nation's right hand; greatly emancipate, or fundamentally destroy. We may talk plausibly to England, but so long as she exercises a power to bind this country, so long are the Nations in a state of war; the claims of the one go against the liberty of the other, and the sentiments of the latter go to oppose those claims to the last drop of her blood. The English opposition, therefore, are right; mere trade will not satisfy Ireland. They judge of us by other great Nations; by the Nation whose political life has been a struggle for liberty,-America! They judge of us with a true knowledge and just deference for our character; that a country enlightened as Ireland, chartered a