It fortuning that a very great Subsidy was to be demanded, which Cardinal Wolsey feared would not pass the Commons' House, he determined for the furtherance thereof to be there present himself. IT fortuned, at the Parliament held A.D. 1523, that a very great subsidy was to be demanded, which Cardinal Wolsey fearing would not pass the Commons' House, his Eminence determined for the furtherance thereof to be there present himself: Where after he had in a solemn oration, by many reasons proved how necessary it was the demand there moved to be granted, and further showed that less would not serve to maintain the Prince's purpose-He, seeing the company sitting still silent and thereunto nothing answering, and contrary to his expectation showing in themselves towards his request no towardness of inclination, said unto them, "Masters, you have many wise and learned men amongst you, and sith I am from the King's own person sent hither unto you for the preservation of yourselves and all the realm, I think it meet you give me some reasonable answer." Whereat every man holding his peace, then began he to speak to one Master Marney, afterward Lord Marney, "How say you," quoth he, "Master Marney?" who making him no answer neither, he severally asked the same question of divers others accounted the wisest of the company: to whom, when none of them all would give so much as one word, being agreed before, as the custom was, to answer by their Speaker, "Masters," quoth the Cardinal, "unless it be the manner of your house, as of likelihood it is, by the mouth of your Speaker whom you have chosen for trusty and wise, (as indeed he is,) in such cases to utter your minds, here is without doubt a marvellous obstinate silence;" and thereupon he required answer of Master Speaker [Sir Thomas More]. Who first reverently on his knees excusing the silence of the house, abashed at the presence of so noble a personage, able to amaze the wisest and best learned in a realm, and after by many probable arguments proving that for them to make answer was neither expedient nor agreeable with the ancient liberty of the house; in conclusion, for himself showed that though they had all with their voices trusted him, yet except every one of them could put into his one head all their several wits, he alone in so weighty a matter was unmeet to make his grace answer. Whereupon the Cardinal, displeased with Sir Thomas More, that had not in this Parliament in all things satisfied his desire, suddenly arose and departed.

And after the Parliament ended, in his gallery at Whitehall in

Westminster, he uttered unto him all his griefs, saying: "Would to God you had been at Rome, Master More, when I made you Speaker." "Your grace not offended, so would I too, my Lord," quoth Sir Thomas More.

Borrowing of Money upon Interest, 1575.

13 ELIZ. 1575. House of Commons.-Sir Walter Mildmay, Chancellor of the Exchequer, said, in his speech for a subsidy, that the realm had felt so heavy the burthen of borrowing money upon interest, as that it was never more to be done if by any means it might be avoided.

Securing the Titles to Lands and Houses by Registries.-Extract from Sir William Petty's Political Arithmetic, first published 1687.

A POLICY or help to trade used by the Hollanders is the securing the titles to lands and houses; for, although lands and houses may be called terra firma et res immobilis, yet the title unto them is no more certain than it pleases the lawyers and authority to make them; wherefore the Hollanders do by registries, and other ways of assurance, make the title as immoveable as the lands; for there can be no encouragement to industry where there is no assurance of what shall be gotten by it; and where, by fraud and corruption, one man may take away with ease and by a trick, and in a moment, what another has gotten by many years' extreme labour and pains.

There hath been much discourse about introducing of registries into England; the lawyers for the most part object against it, alleging that titles of land in England are sufficiently secure already; wherefore omitting the considerations of small and oblique reasons pro et contra, it were good that enquiry were made from the officers of several Courts, to what sum or value purchasers have been damnified for this last ten years, by such fraudulent conveyances as registries would have prevented; the tenth part whereof at a medium, is the annual loss which the people sustain for want of them, and then computation is to be made of the annual charge of registering such extraordinary conveyances, as would secure the title of lands: now, by comparing these two sums, the question so much agitated may be determined; though some think that though few are actually

damnified, yet that all are hindered by fear and deterred from dealing.

General Register of Deeds.-Extract from Sir Samuel Romilly's Diary of his Parliamentary Life, 1807.

10TH JANUARY, 1807. General Register of Deeds. Lord Grenville talked to me on the subject of a General Register of Deeds throughout England. He had before directed a number of papers on that subject to be laid before the Attorney-General and me. I stated to his Lordship the difficulties which it appeared to me that the subject presented. A register on the plan of those in Middlesex and Yorkshire seems to be of little use. The substance of the deed does not appear in the Register; or anything more than the date, the parties' names, the description of the lands, and the names and places of abode of the witnesses. The memorial, too, must be executed by one of the parties to the deed, and attested by one of the subscribing witnesses to the deed, which is attended with much inconvenience, makes it often impossible, after a distance of time, to register deeds, and has no utility. What is most important is, that the object and substance of the deed should appear on the register; but to effect this is extremely difficult. To insert a transcript of the whole deed, considering the shameful length to which conveyances are drawn out by the persons who prepare them, would be attended with enormous expense; and yet a mere abstract of the deed may, quite unintentionally, be extremely inaccurate; and if an inaccurate abstract were made necessary to a valid registration of a deed, a most abundant source of litigation would be opened between different incumbrancers, who would contend for priorities, on the ground that deeds were to be postponed as not having been properly registered. I stated to Lord Grenville that I had not been able to suggest any mode of removing this difficulty. He said that it might be the duty of the officer to make the abstract, and all that should be required of the parties, to entitle them to the benefit of their deeds against subsequent conveyances, should be to produce their deeds to be registered. The objection to this, seems to be, that it would occupy many persons in the office to abstract all deeds which were brought to be registered, and it would be attended with great expense, and probably would be very carelessly done.

PARLIAMENTARY

AND

POLITICAL MISCELLANIES.

NO. IV.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

Address to the People of Great Britain, published by the Society established under the Title of "The Friends of the People," April, 1792.*

No

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN.

O man who is not ready to express his concurrence in our principles, can be admitted into our society. The objects of it, as we conceive, are of a nature at all times fit to be pursued and recommended to the country. At different periods they have heretofore been avowed and supported by the highest authorities in the kingdom; by eminent individuals and considerable bodies of men; by Mr. Locke and Judge Blackstone; by the late Earl of Chatham, and Sir George Savile; by the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox; by petitions from several counties, and by repeated declarations from the City of London.

In appealing to the avowed opinions of men of established reputation, or of distinguished rank in their country, we do not mean to strengthen the reason, or enforce the necessity of the measure we propose, so much as to obviate all personal imputations, which the enemies of the cause will be ready to throw upon those who support it. It is not that, on our own account, we dread the effect, or regard the impression, which such imputations may produce; but we think it material to the credit and success of our proceedings, to show, that we are not aiming at reforms unthought of by wise and virtuous men; that our opinions neither possess the advantage, nor are liable to the objection of novelty; and that we cannot be accused or

* See before, pp. 32, 33.

[E]

suspected of factious purposes or dangerous designs, without extending the same accusation or suspicion to the motives of men, whose situation and property, independent of their character, principles, and abilities, have given them a most important stake in the peace and good government of the kingdom.

Convinced by our own reflexions, by experience, and by authority, that the thing we propose to do is fit to be done, we have, with equal deliberation, weighed the reasons that may recommend, or be objected to the present time, as the most or least proper for bringing it forward. On this point, we have no address to make to the determined enemies of a reform of every kind. Their objection, whether valid or not, is to the substance of the measure, and cannot be abated by circumstances. To those who concur generally in the principle, but who may be inclined, by particular reasons, to defer the attempt, we seriously wish to submit the following considerations:-That admitting this to be a season of general tranquillity in the country, it is, on that account, the more proper for temperate reflection, and prudent exertions to accomplish any necessary improvement; it is the time when practical measures for that purpose are most likely to be adopted with discretion and pursued with moderation. If we are persuaded to wait for other times, of a different complexion, for times of public complaint, or general discontent, we shall then be told, that general remedies are not fit to be proposed in the moment of particular disorder; and that it is our duty to wait for the return of quiet days, unless we mean to create or increase confusion in the country. The result of this dilemma, if it be suffered to prevail, is pure and absolute inactivity at present and for ever. On the other hand, if it be true, as we are convinced it is, that, in this general appearance of tranquillity, there is some mixture of discontent, as well as of strong and well-grounded opinion, on the subject of abuses in the government, and corruptions of the constitution, we wish it to be considered by men, whose judgment has been formed or enlightened by experience, and whose actions are most likely to be directed by prudence, whether, in taking proper measures to remove the cause and objects of such discontent and opinion, the choice of the time be not a material part of the measure, and whether the earliest time that can be taken for preventing the increase of an existing evil be not the safest and the best?

The example and situation of another kingdom are held out to deter us from innovations of any kind. We say, that the reforms