set all right in that country. If fanaticism does not make an inroad on their liberty it will reach a certain degree, and find a sudden check, should a portion of the press be allowed to assail it. In England the case is different; we are approaching to censorships, and are not many degrees off the faggot. 1 With respect to the introduction of theological subjects or disputes in an alleged political publication, I must contend for its propriety, seeing that the corruptions of the legislature so deeply rooted in, and so ardently supported by the Church. And further, because I sincerely believe, that the system of religion observed in this country, has been one of despotism's strong holds. I therefore repeat, that my warfare is with error and delusion of all kinds, particularly that which I can clearly perceive has a tendency to degrade my countrymen, by becoming a bar to the sciences and civil improvements: because, thereby, its defects are inevitably displayed. I hope to see the day, and witness the deed, when an English Senate shall disown the divinity of the Christian Religion. It is science, the parent of all that can render life desirable or worth preserving, that has been the devil in the Christian religion. Science is that innovation so much deprecated by the interested adherents to that religion. Science has been continually at war with it. Christianity prevailed over science for several centuries, and not only checked its progress, but almost annihilated its former growth. Science is the Antichrist. Let the shade of GALILEO speak to this:-let the living LAWRENCE speak. For my own part I have fairly examined every thing that fell into my hands in defence of the Christian religion: the more I read the stronger is my conviction. I approve and admire the moral part of it wherever I see it in practice; it is its assumed divinity alone that I deprecate; this is the parent of hypocrisy; it is this that has armed the bigot and the fanatic with those destructive weapons he has wielded for so many centuries. Let us rejoice, it is on the decline: its decay is much more rapid than its growth. My situation for the last year has furnished me with an ample knowledge of the rapidity of its decay. Well may the priests clamour against those who oppose it, and cry blasphemyblasphemy-blasphemy! Heresy, schism, and blasphemy are the daughters of this religion; they were born to her at a very early period, whilst she was in her youth, just as she reached the age of puberty; they have grown up and followed the mother wherever she has gone, and will no doubt be consigned to the same tomb, at the same time.-Ave tempus! I shall now quit this part of the subject, with a hope that sufficient cause has been shewn why this publication should be continued as it has begun. There is another observation I would make, and which is of importance to the Editor: in certain seasons of the year politics become very dull-no public business stirring-we have only to contemplate the distresses of the country and its population. At such times it will be a fertile source, and desirable to introduce the theological subject; to admit the disquisitions of such correspondents as are not ashamed to publish their names with their opinions; and what is of still more importance to the Editor, it gives the publication an interest it would not otherwise enjoy. As the price and size of pamphlets, touching on political subjects, and commenting on the proceedings of the day, are to be regulated by a statute, a few words may not be improper as to the continuation of this publication. I have resolved to adopt the smallest size and the least price the statute will allow as to the exact time of its operation I am not aware, but suffice it to say that the first volume will be closed with the last twopenny sheet, and the second commence with the new series. There is no doubt that each and every one of our readers would prefer a larger sized pamphlet for sixpence, than pay the additional fourpence for a stamp. In fact, this stamp should be avoided as much as any exciseable articles, where the pamphlet does not go through the post, or has not to pay the expence of carriage. It must be admitted that to pay for the stamp of a newspaper, to admit it through the post to any part of the country free of expence, is a great benefit, and a privilege of xvi TO THE READERS OF THE REPUBLICAN. great importance; but yet those who perceive the necessity of waging a war with the revenue, should abstain as much as possible from adding to the stamp duties, either by newspapers, or in the payment of money, or any other agreements, where the least confidence exists between the parties. The stamp duties are a dreadful impost on the country. I shall defer my observations on the new restrictive laws until such time as I get printed copies of the Statutes from the King's printing office. By the by, I really think they have forgot to exempt the Statutes, which are printed in the form of pamphlets by the King's printer, from the operation of the new stamp duty bill. The Editor hopes that the extended size and price will not restrict the number of his readers, although he is fully aware it must restrict the number of the pamphlets sold. Small reading societies, consisting of three or four families, are now more essential than ever: our enemies are straining every nerve to stop the reading that is now going on, for they well know that knowledge is power." " The Editor has now to return thanks for the very extensive and liberal support he has found in this work. Its number has been very great for the short time of its publication: many weeks had not elasped, before it reached 10,000; at the moment of the trial of the Editor it extended to 15,000, but in consequence of the variations, difficulties, and embarrassments it has laboured under since that time, it has declined. Much of this might be attributed to the timidity of venders of political pamphlets in general: they are in just the same state of alarm at this moment as they were after the famous or rather infamous circular of Lord Sidmouth, and the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. This alarm will subside within three months, and the sale of political pamphlets become as extensive as ever. It will increase even with the distress of the country, and with that only, as they who feel distress see in those publications the real cause and remedy for the evils under which they suffer. The Editor begs further to assure his countrymen, that whether within the walls of a prison or without, his mind remains the same, his actions are alone restrained: and their support will be at all times acknowledged, and their emancipation the prayer and study R. CARLILE. of Dorchester Gaol, Dec. 30, 1819. LETTER TO THE ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER, CALLING, THEREIN, A MEETING, FOR THE CONSIDERATION OF THE LATE Bloody Deeds at Manchester ; AND THE LETTER OF HENRY HUNT, ESQ. FROM THE NEW BAILEY PRISON. TO THE ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER. Gentlemen,-ON reading the newspapers this morning, having arrived late yesterday evening, I was filled with shame, grief, and indignation, at the account of the blood spilled at Manchester. This, then, is the answer of the boroughmongers to the petitioning people-this is the practical proof of our standing in no need of reform-these the practical blessings of our glorious boroughmongers' domination-this the use of a standing army in time of peace. It seems our fathers were not such fools as some would make us believe, in opposing the establishment of a standing army, and sending King William's Dutch guards out of the country. Yet, would to Heaven they had been Dutchmen, or Switzers, or Hessians, or Hanoverians, or any thing rather than Englishmen, who have done such deeds. What! kill men unarmed, unresisting, and, gracious God! women too; disfigured, maimed, cut down, and trampled on, by dragoons!! Is this England? This a Christian land? A land of freedom? Can such things be, and pass by us like a summer cloud, unheeded? Forbid it, every drop of English blood in every vein that does not proclaim its owner bastard. Will the gentlemen of England support, or wink at such proceedings? They have a great stake in their country; they hold great estates, and they are bound in duty and in honour to consider them as retaining fees on the part of their country, for upholding its rights and liberties: surely they will at length awake, and find they have duties to perform. They never can stand tamely by, as lookers-on, whilst bloody Neros rip open their mother's womb; they must join the general voice, loudly demanding justice and redress; and head public. meetings throughout the United Kingdom, to put a stop, in its commencement, to a reign of terror and of blood; to afford consolation, as far as it can be afforded, and legal redress, to the widows and orphans-mutilated victims of this unparalleled and barbarous outrage. For this purpose, I propose that a meeting should be called in Westminster, which the gentlemen of the committee will arrange, and whose summons I will hold myself in readiness to attend, Whether the penalty of our meeting will be death by military execution I know not; but this I know, a man can die but once, and never better than in vindicating the laws and liberties of his country. Excuse this hasty address. I can scarcely teli what I have written: it may be a libel, or the Attorney-General may call it one, just as he pleases. When the seven bishops were tried for libel, the army of James II., then encamped on Hounslow-heath for supporting arbitrary power, gave three cheers on hearing of their acquittal. The king, startled at the noise, asked, What's that?" Nothing, sir,' was the answer, but the soldiers shouting at the acquittal of the seven bishops.' Do ye call that nothing? replied the misgiving tyrant; and shortly after abdicated the government. 'Tis true, James could not inflict the torture on his soldiers-could not tear the living flesh from their bones with the cat o'nine-tails-could not flay them alive. Be this as it may, our duty is to meet; and England expects every man to do his duty. I remain, gentlemen, Most truly and faithfully, Kirby Park, Aug. 22. |