XI. 1821. CHAP. thorn in the side of every administration that was or could be formed, and which generally proved fatal to it before any considerable period had elapsed. It was the more difficult to adjust any measure which should prove satisfactory, that the former Ministry had been mainly overthrown by the press, and M. Chateaubriand, who held a distinguished place in the new appointments, had always been the ardent supporter of its liberty, and owed his great popularity mainly to his exertions in its behalf. Nevertheless, it was obviously necessary to do something to check its licentiousness; the example of successful revolution in Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Piedmont, was too inviting not to provoke imitation in France; and it was well known to the Government that the secret societies, which had overturned everything in those countries, had their affiliated branches in France. It was foreseen also, what immediately happened, that the great majority of the journals, true to the principle "to oppose everything, and turn out the ministry," would speedily unite in a fierce attack upon the new administration. The necessity of the case prevailed over the dread of being met by the imputation of inconsistency, or the lingering qualms of the real friends of freedom of discussion; and a law was brought forward, which, professing to be based on the charter, in reality tended to abridge the liberty of the press in several most important particulars.1 1 Lac. iv. 222, 223; Cap. vii. 278, 279; Ann. Hist. v. 6, 7. 14. By this law, which was brought forward by M. de Its stringent Peyronnet on the 2d January, it was enacted that no provisions. periodical journal could appear without the king's autho rity, excepting such as were in existence on the 1st January 1822; the delinquencies of the press were declared to fall exclusively under the jurisdiction of the royal courts, which decided without a jury: they were authorised to suspend, and, in serious cases, suppress any journal which published a series of articles contrary to reli XI. 1821. gion or the monarchy; the pleadings were permitted to CHAP. be in private, in cases where the court might be of opinion that their publication might be dangerous to order or public morality. In the event of serious offences against the law, during the interval of the session of the Chambers, the king was authorised to re-establish the censure by an ordonnance, countersigned by three ministers; but this power was to be transitory only, and was to expire, if, within a month after the meeting of the Chambers, it was not converted into a law. There can be no doubt that these provisions imposed very great restrictions upon the press, and, by withdrawing the offences regarding it from the cognisance of juries, rendered the punishment of them more expeditious and certain. Still, as it did not re-establish the censorship, and left untouched publications exceeding twenty leaves, it did not infringe upon the most valuable part of public discussion, that which was meant to influence the understanding, however galling it might be felt by that which was most dangerous, being addressed to the passions.1 1 Cap. vii. Ann. Hist. 278, 280; v. 6,7; Lac. iii. 222, 223. on it. The "Gauche" in the Chambers, the Liberals in the 15. country, rose up at once, and en masse, upon the project of Discussion a law being submitted to the deputies. "It is the slavery of the press, the entire suppression of its freedom, which you demand. Better live in Constantinople than in France, under such a government." Nothing could exceed the violence with which the project was assailed, both by the Opposition in the Chambers and the press in the country. M. de Serres on this occasion rejoined the ranks of the Liberals, from which he had so long been separated: he distinguished himself by an eloquent speech against that part of the project which proposed to withdraw offences against the laws of the press from the cognisance of juries. "The mask has fallen," said he ; are presented with a law destructive of the liberty of the press-one which, under pretence of saving our institu 66 we XI. 1821. CHAP. tions, in reality subverts them. The proposed law strikes at the root of representative institutions, for it goes to destroy intelligence in those who are to exercise them. What is the present condition of society? Democracy overwhelms us like a spring-tide. Legitimate monarchy has nothing to fear from a power which places the press under its safeguard; it is our adversaries who have exposed it to its real danger, by holding out its liberty as inconsistent with monarchical institutions. The press is a social necessity which it is impossible to uproot. The proposed law tends to destroy its utility by subjecting it to arbitrary restrictions. In vain, however, do you attempt this its power will resist all your attacks, and only become the more dangerous from being directed against the throne, not the ministers who abuse its powers." "We wish the charter," replied M. Castelbajac in a voice of thunder, "but still more we wish the king : we wish for liberty, but it is liberty without license unrestrained freedom of discussion is another word for anarchy the law presented to us is peculiarly valuable, for it brings back this difficult subject to the principles of the charter. Respect religion, the laws, the monarch— such are the laws which order demands; the liberty of the press can only be maintained by the laws which prevent its abuse. Such repression is the soul of real freedom." It is doubtful how, under ordinary circumstances, this difficult matter might have been determined; but the example of the ruin of monarchy in the adjoining states proved all-powerful with the majority in both Houses-the majority, however, a curious circumstance, being greater in the Commons than the Peers. In the former it was 82, the numbers being 219 to 137; in the latter 41, they being 124 to 83.1 1 Ann. Hist. Lac. iii. This victory on the part of the administration was immediately followed by a general organisation of secret societies over all France, and the turning of the energy of democratic ambition into the dangerous channel of occult XI. 1821. 16. Carbonari societies in conspiracy. Ever since the second Restoration and the CHAP. Royalist severities of 1815, these societies had existed in France, and many of the leading men of Opposition were initiated in them; but the events of this stormy year gave Rise of the them redoubled activity and importance. The example and secret of Government overturned, and the Liberals universally France. installed in power in Spain and Italy, was sufficient to turn cooler heads than the ardent republicans of France. The Carbonari of Italy established corresponding societies over all the country, with the same signs, the same oaths, the same objects, the same awful denunciations of vengeance, in the event of the secrets of their fraternity being revealed. The existence of these societies, which were the chief means by which the revolutions of 1820 were brought about, was strenuously denied at the time, on both sides of the Channel, while the designs of the 1 Lam. vii. conspirators were in progress; but they have been fully 20, 21; Cap. revealed since 1830, when they were entirely successful. 302; Vaulabelle, des Every one was then forward to claim a share in the move- Sociétés ment which had placed a new dynasty on the throne, and i. 30. which none then dared call treason.1 Secrètes, 17. bonarism in This most perilous and demoralising system was first introduced from Italy into France in the end of 1820, Rise of Carand the autumn of the succeeding year was the time when France. it attained its highest development, and when it became a formidable power in the State. Nothing could be conceived more admirable for the object to which it was directed, or better calculated to avoid detection, than this system. It was entirely under the direction of a central power, the mandates of which were obeyed with implicit faith by all the initiated, though who composed it, or where it resided, was unknown to all save a very few. Every person admitted into the ranks of the Carbonari was to provide himself with a musket, bayonet, and twenty rounds of ball-cartridge. All orders, resolutions, and devices were transmitted verbally; no one ever put pen to paper on the business of the association. Any XI. 1821. CHAP. revelation of the secrets or objects of the fraternity was punished with death, and they had bravoes ready at any time to execute that sentence, which was pronounced only by the central committee, or to assassinate any person whom it might direct. The members were bound by the most solemn oaths to obey this invisible authority whatever it might enjoin, without delay, hesitation, consideration, or inquiry. The association borrowed the illusions of the melodrama to add to the intensity of its impressions: it had, like the German, its Geheim-gericht nocturnal assemblages, its poniards directed against the breast, its secret courts of justice, its sentences executed by unknown hands. It was chiefly among the students at colleges, the sub-officers in the army, and the superior classes of mechanics and manufacturers, that this atrocious system prevailed, and it had reached its highest point in the end of 1821. It has since spread across the Channel; and Vaulabelle, those who are acquainted with the machinations of the Secrètes, Ribbonmen in Ireland, and the worst of the trades19, 37; Cap. unions in Great Britain, will have no difficulty in recognising features well known to them, perhaps by dearbought experience.1 Sociétés vii. 301, 305; Lam. M. Lafayette,* Manuel, and d'Argenson were at the head of these secret societies in France, and they had attained such an extent and consistency in the end of 1821 that it was thought the time for action had arisen, "Cette fois, M. Lafayette, pressé sans doute par les années qui s'accumu laient, et craignant que la mort ne lui ravît, comme à Moïse, la terre promise de la liberté, avait manqué à son rôle de tribun légal, à son caractère, à son serment civique de député, à ses habitudes d'opposition en plein jour; et il avait consenti, au risque de la sécurité de sa vie, et de sa conscience, à devenir le moteur, le centre, et le chef d'une ténébreuse conspiration. Toutes les sociétés secrètes des ennemis des Bourbons, et le Carbonarisme qui les résumait toutes en ce moment, parlaient de ses menées, et aboutissaient à lui."— LAMARTINE, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 26. See also, to the same effect, CAPEFIGUE, Histoire de la Restauration, vii. 308. The chiefs of this dark conspiracy were General Lafayette and his son, M. Manuel, Dupont de l'Eure, M. d'Argenson, Jacques Kochler, Comte Thiard, General Taragre, General Corbineau, M. de Lascelles, and M. Merithou. General Lafayette was by all acknowledged to be the head and soul of the conspiracy.-LAMARTINE, Hist. de la Restauration, vii. 29, 30. |