March CHAP IX-away-past Restalrig, past Arthur's Seat, across the 1566 bridge and across the field of Musselburgh, past Seton, past Prestonpans, fast as their horses could speed; 'six in all-their Majesties, Erskine, Traquair, and a chamberer of the Queen.' In two hours the heavy gates of Dunbar had closed behind them, and Mary Stuart was safe.1 Flight to Whatever credit is due to iron fortitude and intellectual address, must be given without stint to this extraordinary woman. Her energy grew with exertion; the terrible agitation of the three preceding days, the wild escape, and a midnight gallop of more than twenty miles within three months of her confinement, would have shaken the strength of the least fragile of human frames: but Mary Stuart seemed not to know the meaning of the word exhaustion; she had scarce alighted from her horse than couriers were flying east, west, north, and south, to call the Catholic nobles to her side; she wrote her own story to her minister at Paris, bidding the Archbishop in a postscript anticipate the false rumours which would be spread against her honour, and tell the truth -her version of the truth-to the Queen-mother and the Spanish ambassador. To Elizabeth she wrote with her own hand-fierce, dauntless, and haughty-as in her highest prosperity. Ill at ease with her escape from Holyrood, and suffer The account of the escape is taken from a letter of Antony Standen, preserved among the CECIL MSS. at Hatfield; the remaining details of the murder and the circumstances connected with it, are collected from RUTHVEN's narrative, printed in KEITH; the letters of Bedford and Randolph, printed by WRIGHT; the two Italian accounts, in the seventh volume of LABAN- 2 This letter may be seen in the Rolls House; the strokes thick and slightly uneven from excitement, but strong, firm, and without sign of tremulousness. 1566 March ing from the sickness of pregnancy, she demanded to CHAP IX know whether the Queen of England intended to support the traitors who had slain her most faithful servant in her presence. If she listened to their calumnies and upheld them in their accursed deeds, she was not so unprovided of friends as her sister might dream; there were princes enough to take up her quarrel in such a cause.' The loyalty of Scotland answered well its sovereign's summons. The faithful Bothwell, ever foremost in good or evil in Mary Stuart's service, brought in the nightriders of Liddesdale, the fiercest of the Border marauders; Huntly came, forgetting his father and brother's death, and his own long imprisonment; the Archbishop of St. Andrew's an evil omen to Darnley-was followed by a thousand Hamiltons; Erskine, from the Castle, sent word of his fidelity; and the Earl Marshal, Athol, Caithness, and a hundred more, hurried to Dunbar with every trooper that they could raise. In four days the Queen found herself at the head of a small army of eight thousand men. On the other hand the conspirators' plans were disconcerted hopelessly by the flight of the King. Perplexed, divided, uncertain what to do, when the slightest hesitation was ruin-they lost confidence in one another and in their cause. Had they held together they could still have collected force enough to fight. The Western Highlands were at the devotion of Argyle, and he at any time could command his own terms; but Elizabeth's behaviour in the preceding autumn had for ever shaken Argyle's policy. The Queen, not venturing,' as she said herself, 'to have so many at once on her hands,' sent to say she would pardon the rebellion of the summer, and would receive into favour all who had not been present at or March CHAP IX been concerned in the murder of Ritzio. They seeing 1566 now their liberty and restitution offered them, were content to leave those who were the occasion of their return, and took several appointments as they could.'1 Glencairn joined Mary at Dunbar; Rothes followed; and then Argyle, the central pillar of the Protestant party. Three only of those who had been in England refused to desert their friends-the stainless noble Murray, Kirkaldy of Grange, and the Laird of Patarrow. 'These standing so much upon their honour and promise would not leave the other without likelihood to do them good.' 2 Mary returns to Thus within a week from her flight Mary Stuart was Stuart able to return in triumph to Edinburgh. She had sucEdinburgh. ceeded so entirely that she was already able to throw off the mask towards Darnley. Sir James Melville met her on the road she 'lamented to him the King's folly and ingratitude;' and it was to no purpose that the old farsighted diplomatist warned her against indulging this new resentment; the grudge never left her heart,3 and she had made the object of it already feel the value of the promises with which she had wrought upon his weakness. "The King spoke to me of the lords,' said Melville, and it appeared that he was troubled that he had deserted them, finding the Queen's favour but cold.' 4 Flight of the con The conspirators, or the Lords of the new atspirators. temptate' as they were called, made no effort to resist. Erskine threatened to fire on them from the Castle; and before the Queen reached Holyrood, Ruthven, Morton, Maitland, Lindsay, Falconside, even Knox, were gone their several ways, most of them making for the Border 1 Randolph to Cecil, March 21. 3 MELVILLE's Memoirs. 1566 March to take shelter with Bedford at Berwick. Murray too CHAP IX left Edinburgh with them, and intended to share their fortunes; but Ruthven and Morton, generous as himself, wrote to beg him as the rest had fallen off, not to endanger himself on their account, but to make his peace if he was able;" and Murray feeling that he would do more good for them and for his country, by remaining at home, than by going with them into a second exile, returned to his sister and was received with seeming cordiality. Bothwell, whose estates had been forfeited for his share in the Arran conspiracy, was rewarded for his services by 'all that had belonged to Lidington.' The unfortunate King, 'contemned and disesteemed of all,' was compelled to drain the cup of dishonour. He declared before the Council that he had never counselled, commanded, consented to, assisted, or approved' the murder of Ritzio. His words were taken down in writing and published at the market-cross of every town in Scotland. The conspirators retorted with sending the Queen the bond which they had exacted from him, in which he claimed the deed as exclusively his own; while the fugitives at Berwick addressed a clear, brief statement of the truth to the Government in England: MORTON AND RUTHVEN TO CECIL. Berwick, March 27. 'The very truth is this:-the King having conceived a deadly hatred against David Ritzio an Italian, and some others his accomplices, did a long time ago move unto his ally the Lord Ruthven that he might in no way 1 Randolph to Cecil, March 21.-Scotch MSS. Rolls House. 2 Scotch MSS. Rolls House. March CHAP IX endure the misbehaviour and offence of the foresaid 1566 David, and that he might be fortified by him and some others of the nobility to see the said David executed according to his demerits; and after due deliberation the said Lord Ruthven communicated this the King's mind to the Earl of Morton, with whom having deeply considered the justice of the King's desires in respect of the manifold misbehaviours and misdeeds of the said David Ritzio, tending so manifestly to the great danger of the King's and Queen's Majesties and the whole estate of that realm and commonweal-he not ceasing to abuse daily his great estate and credit to the subversion of religion and the justice of the realm, as is notoriously known to all Scotland and more particularly to us-we upon the considerations aforesaid found good to follow the King's determination anent the foresaid execution; and for divers considerations we were moved to haste the same considering the approaching Parliament, wherein determination was taken to have ruined the whole nobility that then was banished; whereupon we perceived to follow a subversion of religion within the realm, and consequently of the intelligence betwixt the two realms grounded upon the religion; and to the execution of the said enterprise the most honest and the most worthy were easily induced, to approve and fortify the King's deliberation. How be it in action and manner of execution, more was followed of the King's advice kindled by an extreme choler, than we minded to have done. This is the truth whatever the King say now, prove it.' we are ready to stand by it and and |