the humiliated and desperate members of the Rump, he certainly never deceived the English officers. On the 8th of November, Desborough, Fleetwood, and the principal men of that body, went to the common council in London, and told them plainly "that the bottom of Monk's design was to bring in the king upon a new civil war." Monk, after again calling God to witness that the asserting of the Commonwealth was the only intent of his heart, crossed the Tweed in great force, being openly backed by the chief Presbyterians in Scotland. He was faced on the Tyne by Lambert; but the soldiers of Cromwell, now badly provided, had lost their old enthusiasm and discipline, and Lambert besides had orders from the committee of government to avoid a hostile collision; and he therefore lay at Newcastle doing nothing. It was agreed that three commissioners on the part of Monk should be allowed to come up to London to treat with three commissioners on the part of Fleetwood, the nominal commander-in-chief of all the forces. By this delay Monk was enabled to mature his plans, and to receive further assistance in men and money from Scotland. Monk's three commissioners pretended to be very confident that he would approve what was agreed upon by Fleetwood's commissioners, namely, that a parliament should be restored and the nation settled again in the ways of peace. The committee of safety proceeded in preparing a form of government, but there was no reconciling their conflicting theories and views and interests. Fresh letters came from Monk to Fleetwood full of compliments and expressions of his earnest desire for a speedy settlement; but stating that what had been agreed upon by his commissioners was not quite enough-that some things remained untreated of and unagreed upon-that he wished for a fresh treaty to put a final end to the busiSome of the committee declared that this was only a delay in Monk to gain time to be the better prepared for his design to bring in the king. "And, therefore," continues Whitelock, who had himself a principal share in these deliberations, "they advised to fall upon Monk ness. 1 "In the year 1659, it is manifest that no idea could be more chimerical than that of a republican settlement in England. The name, never familiar or venerable in English ears, was grown infinitely odious: it was associated with the tyranny of ten years, the selfish rapacity of the Rump, the hypocritical despotism of Cromwell, the arbitrary sequestrations of committee men, the iniquitous decimations of military prefects, the sale of British citizens for slavery in the West Indies, the blood of some shed on the scaffold without legal trial, the tedious imprisonment of many with denial of the habeas corpus, the exclusion of the ancient gentry, the persecution of the Anglican church, the bacchanalian rant of sectaries, the morose preciseness of Puritans, the extinction of the frank and cordial joyousness of the national character. Were the people again to endure the mockery of the good old cause, as the Commonwealth's men affected to style the interests of their little faction, and be sub presently, and bring the matter to an issue before his soldiers were more confirmed, and Fleetwood's party more discouraged; but this advice was not taken, but a new treaty assented to, by commissioners on each part, to be at Newcastle." This was on the last day of November; on the 4th of December some of the forces about London began to clamour for pay, and to favour the proceedings of Monk for restoring the parliament. On the next day serious disturbances took place in the city; and intelligence was received that the governor and garrison of Portsmouth had declared for the parliament. Still the general council of officers sat devising schemes of government, republican and impracticable. Having concocted another constitution, they proclaimed, on the 15th of December, that there should be a new parliament. On the 17th Admiral Lawson, who had brought his ships into the Thames, required that the Long Parliament or Rump should sit again. On the 22d most of the soldiery about London made the same demand. At this critical moment Whitelock, being convinced that Monk would bring in the king without terms for the parliament party or for the country, and that he would easily delude Hazlerig and the rest of the parliament men, suggested to Fleetwood, since the coming in of Charles II. seemed unavoidable, that it would be more prudent for Fleetwood and his friends to be the instrument for bringing him in than to leave it to Monk. The adroit lawyer proposed that Fleetwood should instantly send some person of trust to the king at Breda, and invite him to return upon conditions. By so doing Fleetwood might yet make terms with the king for the preservation of himself, of his family and friends, and, in a good measure, of the cause in which they had all been engaged: but if it were left to Monk, Fleetwood and his friends, and all that had been done for civil and religious liberty, would be exposed to the danger of destruction. Fleetwood was convinced, and desired Whitelock to go and prepare himself forthwith for the journey. But before Whitelock got across the threshold, Vane, Desborough, and Berry came into the room, and, ject to Lambert's notorious want of principle, or to Vane's contempt of ordinances (a godly mode of expressing the same thing), or to Hazlerig's fury, or to Harrison's fanaticism, or to the fancies of those lesser schemers, who, in this utter confusion and abject state of their party, were amusing themselves with plans of perfect commonwealths, and debating whether there should be a senate as well as a representation, whether a given number should go out by rotation, and all those details of political mechanism so important in the eyes of theorists? Every project of this description must have wanted what alone could give it either the pretext of legitimate existence, or the chance of permanency-popular consent; the republican party, if we exclude those who would have had a protector, and those fanatics who expected the appearance of Jesus Christ, was incalculably small; not perhaps amounting in the whole nation to more than a few hundred persons."-Hallam, Const. Hist Eng., i. 682. after a private conversation with them, Fleetwood called Whitelock back, "and in much passion said to him, 'I cannot do it! I cannot do it! I cannot do it without my Lord Lambert's consent!"" "Then," said Whitelock, "you will ruin yourself and your friends." Fleetwood replied, that he could not help it, that his word was pledged; and so they parted. of the Rump began to think of providing for their personal safety. The Presbyterian majority voted in rapid succession, that Monk should be commander-in-chief of all the forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland; that all the proceedings of parliament since their seclusion should be null and void; that Presbyterianism should be the one and sole religion; and that the League and Covenant, without any amendment or toleration, should be posted up in all churches. Ou the 16th of March they passed an act for dis On the next day, some of the members of the old council of state, and the old speaker Lenthall, seeing that the soldiers were all revolting from Fleetwood, gave orders for a rendezvous in Lin-solving this parliament, with a proviso not to incoln's-Inn Fields. They also received intelligence that Hazlerig was coming speedily up to London with the revolted garrison of Portsmouth. fringe the rights of the House of Peers. Writs were issued for a new parliament; and then Monk finished his bargain with Charles II., giving advice but imposing no conditions. Lambert, who had proved most satisfactorily that he was not a Cromwell, nor fitted to be his successor, was shut up in the Tower, after an insane attempt at in On the morrow the troops formed in Lincoln'sInn, opposite to the house of the speaker, gave him three cheers, saluted him with a volley, and took the word of command from him. Lenthall was now, in effect, commander-in-chief in Lon-surrection. The new parliament met on the 25th don. He secured the Tower; he convinced the common council, the citizens, and soldiery, that the very best thing to do at this crisis was to restore the Rump. And, two days after this, or on the 26th of December, the Rump were re-nation. Circular letters were then sent for the stored by the very soldiers who had so recently prevented their sitting. of April. Ten peers took their seats in their own house, confirmed the appointments of Monk, and voted a day of fasting to seek God for his blessing upon the approaching settlement of the other peers, who came up to Westminster by degrees, till the house was nearly full. In the On the 2d of January the house lower house the utmost readiness was shown in A.D. 1660. voted that a bill should be pre- agreeing with the restored peers. Sir Harbottle pared for renouncing anew the title of Charles Grimston was elected speaker, and was conducted Stuart, &c. On the 6th they received a letter to the chair by Monk and the runaway Denzil from Monk promising all obedience and faithful- Hollis. On the 26th of April the two houses ness to this parliament; and, in their infatuation, gave orders for a day of thanksgiving to God they voted Monk a letter of thanks, and desired "for raising up General Monk and other instruhim to come up to London as soon as he could. ments of rescuing this nation from thraldom and By the 26th of January Monk was at Northamp- misery." They also voted thanks to Monk for his ton, protesting that he was but a servant of the eminent and unparalleled services. On the 1st parliament. On the 28th he was at St. Alban's, of May, Sir John Granville, who had been emwhere he again expressed all duty and obedience.ployed for some time in the negotiations between But, after keeping a day of fasting and prayer, he wrote from St. Alban's to require that all the soldiers of the English army that were in or about London should be removed. The Rump ordered the troops out of town accordingly; and on the same day Monk marched into London, in all state, with his horse and foot: and then the king's party talked very high, saying they were sure the king would soon follow. Although Monk carefully concealed his intention of recalling Charles, he soon opened the eyes of Hazlerig and that party to the monstrous blunder they had committed. He insisted that the secluded members of the Long Parliament -the expelled Presbyterians-should sit again. None durst oppose him; the spirit of the people generally ran that way, and the Cavaliers agreed to it as the way to bring in the king. On the 21st of February the secluded members took their seats; and from that moment the members Charles II. and the general, arrived again from Breda. Monk, who continued to wear the mask when it was no longer necessary, would not open the despatches in his own house, but ordered Sir John to present them to him in the midst of the council of state. This was done; and, to carry on the farce, Granville was put under arrest.-But, lo! it was proved that the letters were really from the king himself, and that they contained very upright and very satisfactory intentions, and Granville was released from custody, and the letters were sent down to parliament, and there read in the name of the king. One of these royal epistles was addressed to the lords, another to the commons, one to Monk, and another to the lord-mayor. The letter to the commons contained the famous “Declaration of Breda," which, in general terms, offered indemnity for the past and liberty of conscience for the future. This document was the only pledge that this parliament thought necessary to be required from a prince who had already proved, in many cases, that his royal word was little worth. Despising many warnings of danger to themselves and Covenant and church, the Presbyterians prepared an answer to the king's letter, expressing their surpassing joy; voted his majesty, who was penniless, the present supply of £50,000; and sent a committee into the city to borrow that money. Prynne, who had suffered so much from Star Chambers and High Courts of Commission, royal tyranny and prelatical intolerance, and that upright judge Sir Matthew Hale, ventured to recommend that some more definite settlement should be made before the king were brought back; but Monk silenced them by asserting that, as his majesty would come back without either money or troops, there was nothing to fear from him. The commons continued running a race with the lords in this new loyalty; and, after other votes, they sent twelve of their members to wait upon the king. Nor were the lord-mayor and common council of London a whit less loyal. On the 8th of May Charles was solemnly proclaimed at Westminster Hall gate, the lords and commons standing bareheaded while the proclamation was made by the heralds. And so ended the Commonwealth. CHAPTER XVIII-HISTORY OF RELIGION. A.D. 1603-1660. State of the religious contest in Britain at the present period-Its connection with the Scottish ReformationPresbyterian form of the Scottish Reformation-Early origin of the Presbyterian element in Scotland-Early inclination of James VI. to Episcopacy-Remonstrances of the clergy against his aggressions on the churchAndrew Melvil cited before the privy council-His refusal of the judgment of a civil court in ecclesiastical affairs-Acts of 1584 subversive of the liberty of the church-The "Raid of Ruthven"-Temporary reconciliation of James with the church-His declarations and concessions in its favour-His dislike to Presbyterianism renewed with his prospects of accession to the throne of England-His favour for Papists-Deputation of ministers sent to remonstrate with him on the subject-Bold address of Andrew Melvil to him on the occasion -Measures of the clergy to protect the rights of the church-Attempts of James to restrain the liberty of the pulpit-Trial of David Black-Riot in Edinburgh on the 17th of December-James embraces this opportunity to impose Episcopacy on the church-His measures to that effect-Contrast between the Scottish and the English Reformation-Predominance in the latter of the royal authority-Monarchical character of the English church-Origin of English Puritanism simultaneous with the Reformation-Objections of early English Reformers to the rites and ceremonies retained from the Romish church-Puritanism during the reign of Elizabeth-Its growth and political influence-Proposals of the Puritans for the abrogation of certain church forms and ceremonies-The change of the church to Puritanism narrowly defeated-Elizabeth's resolution to compel uniformity-Scene at Lambeth illustrative of this compulsion-Puritanism strengthened by opposition-Its objections extended from the forms to the constitution of the church-Commencement of Puritan secession from the church-Its proposed Book of Discipline-Rise of Presbyterians, Brownists, Familists, and Anabaptists-Grindal and Whitgift, Archbishops of Canterbury-Their different administration-Account of Whitgift—His strict and severe measures to produce conformity—Accession of James to the throne of England-Hopes of Churchmen and Puritans at his arrival-The "millenary petition" of the Puritans-Its proposals-The Hampton Court controversy-Conduct of James on the occasion-His singular speechesProposal adopted for a new translation of the Bible-Accomplishment of the work-New Book of Canons to compel the Puritans to conform to the church-Account of the "Pilgrim Fathers"-Their emigration to New England-Their foundation of the United States of America-James's Book of Sports-His enactments for silencing the Puritan pulpits-Change of his own creed from Calvinism to Arminianism-Dark prospects of the Puritans at the accession of Charles I.-Popish tendencies of his prelates-Attempt of Charles to overthrow the Presbyterianism of Scotland-The Scottish reaction-English Puritanism roused by the example-Meeting of the Westminster Assembly of Divines-Episcopacy overthrown and Presbyterianism established in England -Difference between the Scottish and English Presbyterianism-Causes of that difference-State of parties in the Westminster Assembly-Presbyterians, Independents, and Erastians-Chief proceedings of the assembly -Its Directory, Confession of Faith, and Catechisms-Debates on the Divine right of Presbytery, and toleration-Toleration established-Rise of Independency over Presbyterianism-Causes of this rise-Cromwell's "Board of Triers"-Its beneficial services to religion-English sectaries. HE religious history of the present | beth, and supported by authoritative statutes period is chiefly the narrative of a deadly struggle between the Puritanism of England on the one hand, and the Episcopal polity on the other; between the national church as formulated by Henry VIII. and Eliza and rich endowments-and a strong popular religious element, whose motto was liberty of conscience, and whose aim was the emancipation of the church, alike from kingly dictation and parliamentary rule. It was, for the time, the presiding spirit of that great political struggle in which the last remaining bonds of feudalism were to be thrown off, and the nation at large advanced into a more perfect state of liberty, both civil and religious. To understand the controversy aright, however, it is necessary to revert to the Scottish Reformation, from which English Puritanism derived an important element of its strength, and to the Scottish Presbyterianism, which so opportunely turned the scale, when the conflict had commenced, and when the issue was still uncertain. thing more than the equals of each other, while Christ alone was to be the recognized Head and King. But how such a republican government in the church would reconcile itself to monarchy in the state, at a period when the monarchic principle was aiming at entire absolutism, was now the question at issue. We have already seen the commencement of the trial under the Scottish regency, when the Earl of Morton ruled with delegated authority. We have now to trace its continuation under the reign of James, and its terrible decision under that of his unfortunate son. In contemplating the Scottish Reformation at its outset, we find it resolving itself into the great question of religious and political emanci- No sooner had the young king, James VI., pation, without reference to the particular form assumed the reins of government, than the proof church polity in which it was to be embodied. spects of the Scottish church began to be clouded. The recovery of England back to Rome was the Even already, he showed that immoderate pargreat aim of the Catholic powers upon the Con- tiality for favourites which disgraced his royal tinent, and as this could only be accomplished by administration to the close; and at the outset, his force of arms, England, it was found, could be bosom friends and counsellors were D'Aubigny, most effectually assailed through the sister king | Earl and afterwards Duke of Lennox, and Capdom, and with the aid of its warlike population. tain Stuart, afterwards Earl of Arran-the forBut all this implied a previous subjugation, to mer notoriously a Papist, and adherent of the which the Scots, of all people, were least likely Guise faction in France; the latter a worthless to submit; and they would neither consent to intriguer and profligate, to whom all religions turn their country into a battle-field, nor them- were equally indifferent. Under such counselselves into passive recruits of France or Spain, lors, James was not likely to acquire much love let the Papal conclave decree as it might. In this either for the stern self-denying system of Presway, the question at the outset with Scotland was, byterianism, or the ministers by whom it was Protestant or Papist? and this was shown by the represented. But from the state of public feeling readiness with which John Knox suggested, and he learned the necessity of wariness, and in this the Reformers sought, the aid of England, in way he commenced, even in boyhood, those praeclearing their country from French usurpation. tices of prevarication and deception which he af Let the troops of France be but expelled, and terwards dignified with the name of kingeraft. the country freed from every alliance with those And yet, even already he could not control his great powers which were banded for the destruc- Episcopal leanings, as was manifested in the case tion of their common Protestantism, and the par- of the archbishopric of Glasgow. This see havticular form which the new national church was ing become vacant in 1581, a grant was made of to assume would be speedily determined by the its revenues by the privy council to the Earl of feelings of the people. What, in the meantime, Lennox; but as the latter, being a layman, could was chiefly needed, was a cleared and levelled not draw them in his own name, he resolved to ground on which to erect it. We know with effect it by means of a tulchan, or bishop of what alacrity the choice was made. It had in straw. He accordingly procured Robert Montfact been already decided by the religious train- gomery, a minister of Stirling, to assume that ing of the nation through a long course of ages. degrading office. This violation of a recent deThe earliest Christian church in Scotland had cree alarmed the church, and the General Assembeen the church of the Culdees, that simple anti- bly denounced the appointment as illegal, upon monarchical form where the permanent dominion which the king, espousing the cause of his favourof one priest over his brethren could obtain no ite, Lennox, required the assembly to desist frou. place; and even when the Papal church was fin- their proceedings against Montgomery, who was ally established, it still retained the original re- already menaced with excommunication. But publican character, by its resistance to the rule although denounced with the penalties of rebelof the Popedom, and its rejection of primates, lion if they refused, the ecclesiastical court perwhether native or English. This long cherished sisted in the prosecution, until Robert Montgo ecclesiastical parity, and dislike of individual do- mery himself, quelled into submission, humbly mination, made the choice of Presbyterianism a confessed his fault before the house, promised to natural and national result. The Church of Scot- renounce the bishopric, and craved to be forgiven land was to be a theocracy independent of secu- His punishment accordingly was delayed; but, lar rule, in which the ministers were to be no- instigated by Lennox, he revived once more his claim, and endeavoured to make it good at the head of an armed band, with which he forcibly invaded the presbytery of Glasgow, insulted its members, and dragged the moderator to prison."in taking upon you that which you neither trine and control the ambassadors and messengers of a greater than was here. "That you may see your own weakness and rashness," he added, ought nor can do, there are my instructions and warrant"-and with that, he loosed a little Hebrew Bible from his girdle, and laid it on the table before them. Arran opened the book, gazed upon it in hopeless ignorance, and handing it to the king, said, "Sir, he scorns your majesty and the council." "Nay, I scorn not," replied Melvil, "but am in good earnest." For his refusal to be tried, in the first instance, upon a question of doctrine before the king and council, and for what was accounted his unreverent behaviour, he was sentenced to imprisonment in the castle of Edinburgh during the royal pleasure; but knowing that this place was to be changed for Blackness Castle, of which Arran was the keeper, he took the opportunity of a short interval that was allowed him, and escaped in safety to Berwick. The church on this excommunicated the offender, but the privy council proclaimed the sentence null and void. Thus the civil and ecclesiastical powers were brought into such antagonism, that one of the parties must give way. But feeling that not only its rights were violated, but that its very existence was at stake, the church persevered in the perilous encounter, and a deputation of ministers, with Andrew Melvil at their head, repaired to the king at Perth, to present a remonstrance of the General Assembly against these tyrannical proceedings. As their mission was so odious to the royal favourites and courtiers, apprehensions had been entertained that the ministers might lose their lives in the attempt; and in Scotland, at such a season, an angry outbreak of this nature would neither have been an impossible nor unlikely occurrence. On present- The flight of this bold champion of the indepening the remonstrance before the king in council, dence of the church emboldened the king and his the fierce Earl of Arran exclaimed with a threat- courtiers to more daring deeds of oppression; and ening tone, "Who dares subscribe these trea- a series of acts were passed by the parliament, sonable articles?" "WE dare," replied Andrew which were known in the country as the "Black Melvil calmly, and taking the pen from the clerk, Acts of 1584." Although gently expressed, their he subscribed the paper, and was immediately purport was sufficiently despotic, and subversive followed by his brethren. Lennox and Arran of the liberties of the church; for they made the were daunted, and allowed the ministers to de- declinature of the king's or council's authority part in peace. But the despotism of these fav- in any case to be treason, restricted public meetourites still continuing, produced that combina-ings in such terms as to suppress all freedom of tion among the nobles known in the history of the times by the name of the "Raid of Ruthven," in which the king was closely warded, and the favourites banished from the royal presence. On recovering his liberty, James recalled Arran, and renewed his attempts against the church, the chief offender in which, according to royal reckoning, was Andrew Melvil, who, in the beginning of February, 1584, was summoned to answer before the privy council for certain treasonable sentiments which he was alleged to have uttered in his sermon upon the fast day. He appeared, and rehearsed the words he had uttered in the pulpit. But this not satisfying the council, he was summoned a second time; upon which he drew up a protest against their proceedings, and declined their authority, declaring, that as the charges against him were wholly ecclesiastical, being about words alleged to have been uttered in preaching, he ought therefore in the first instance to be tried by the ecclesiastical courts, who were the proper and constituted judges of any such clerical of fence. On giving in this declinature, the king and Arran were furious, but Melvil told them that they were too bold to pass by, in a constituted Christian kirk, its pastors, prophets, and doctors, and take upon them to judge the doc discussion in presbyteries, synods, and general assemblies, and invested the bishops with full authority over ecclesiastical matters in their respective dioceses. These enactments sufficiently announced the abrogation of the national Presbyterian church by royal authority, and the establishment of Episcopacy in its stead. In consequence of these oppressive measures, twenty of the boldest and most conscientious of the ministers were compelled to escape to England, while those who remained were either so shackled by restrictions that all freedom of action was suspended, or obliged to maintain an unequal conflict against the restored Episcopacy backed by the king, his favourite, and the privy council, and in the face of parliamentary prohibitions and penalties. In such circumstances, a reaction of the Scottish spirit was inevitable, and it occurred in the old Scottish fashion. In 1585 the banished lords of the "Raid of Ruthven," the fugitive ministers, and the self-exiled Scots of every degree who had removed themselves beyond the reach of political and religious tyranny, had gathered to a head in England, and finding themselves strong enough to make good their entrance into Scotland, they returned, not as fugitives and banished men, but as those who had both right |